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POLICE SEEK TWO WOMEN IN THE THEFT OF A MAN’S CREDIT CARD AND STEALING $4500

OCTOBER 15, 2014

The NOPD is asking for the public’s assistance in identifying and locating two unknown women wanted in connection with Theft and Access Device Fraud.

On August 23, 2014, shortly after 4:30 p.m., in the 600 block of Canal Street, the 29-year-old male victim advised police he used his debit card at a hotel prior to leaving for a festival at an unknown location in New Orleans. Following the festival, at approximately 6:00 p.m., the victim went to Bourbon Street where he visited several bars before relocating back to the hotel and retiring for the night. On the following day, the victim discovered his debit card missing from his wallet.

The victim later learned from his banking institution that purchases were made in the amount of nearly $4,500.00 by use of his debit card at retail locations throughout the French Quarter and Harvey, LA.

Through further investigation, detectives obtained video surveillance of two females using the stolen debit card. Detectives also obtained surveillance video of the vehicle the females may be using.

Eighth District Detective Iain Watt is in charge of the investigation and can be reached at 658-6080.

- NOPD


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THREE MEN CHARGED OVER METH BUST

Friday May 16 2014

- Three men are scheduled to appear at Sydney Central Local Court today charged with importing 10 kilograms of methamphetamine hidden in machinery.

The men were arrested by Australian Federal Police (AFP) members in Sydney yesterday (15 May) after officers conducted a controlled delivery to a hotel in Darlinghurst.

A 26-year-old Australian man was arrested at the hotel after taking possession of the consignment.

Shortly after, AFP officers located and arrested a 32-year-old Canadian man and a 47-year-old Spanish man in relation to the consignment. The 47-year-old Spanish man attempted to flee before being taken into custody.

The investigation began on 17 April 2014 when Australian Customs and Border Protection Service (ACBPS) officers conducted an examination of a consignment originating from Mexico. The consignment contained a large metal machine.

Several welds on the base of the machine were opened to reveal a concealment of foil bags. Contained within the foil bags was a white crystalline substance which tested positive to methamphetamine, with an estimated weight of 10 kilograms.

All three men were charged with attempting to possess a commercial quantity of a border controlled drug, namely methamphetamine, contrary to section 307.5 of the Criminal Code Act 1995, by virtue of section 11.1.

The maximum penalty for this offence is life imprisonment, or a fine of $1,275,000, or both.

The 47-year-old Spanish man was also charged with escaping, contrary to section 47(1) of the Crimes Act 1914.

All three men will face Sydney Central Local Court today (Friday 16 May 2014).


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POLICE ARREST EIGHT PEOPLE AFTER SEIZURE OF DRUG CHEMICALS AND FIREARMS

The Australian Federal Police (AFP), Queensland Police Service (QPS) and Australian Customs and Border Protection Service (ACBPS) have dismantled an organised crime syndicate allegedly importing large amounts of a key drug precursor into Australia, and attempting to export firearms into Papua New Guinea. On Monday, 13 October, the AFP and QPS arrested four people and executed a number of search warrants following the discovery of a large cannabis plantation in a remote location near Herberton in Northern Queensland. A 46-year-old man, a 45-year-old man, a 55-year old woman and a 25-year old woman, all from Herberton, were charged with state drug offences and bailed to appear in Atherton Court on 25 November 2014.


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POLICE ARREST BRAZILIAN NATIONAL IN SYDNEY AFTER ATTEMPTING TO IMPORT COCAINE

- A 30-year-old Brazilian man appeared before the Sydney Local Court today (Monday, 20 October 2014) charged with attempting to import over two kilograms of cocaine through Sydney Airport. Australian Customs and Border Protection Service (ACBPS) officers selected the man for a baggage examination yesterday (Sunday, 19 October 2014) when he arrived on a flight from Abu Dhabi. The man was referred to the Australian Federal Police (AFP), who later charged him with importing a commercial quantity of a border controlled drug contrary to section 307.1 of the Criminal Code Act 1995 (Cth).


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GEORGE “MACHINE GUN” KELLY

- At 11:15 p.m., on Saturday, July 22, 1933, Mr. and Mrs. Charles F. Urschel, one of Oklahoma’s wealthiest couples, were playing bridge with their friends, Mr. and Mrs. Walter R. Jarrett, on a screened porch of the Urschel residence at Oklahoma City. Two men, one armed with a machine gun and the other with a pistol, opened the screen door and inquired which of the two men was Mr. Urschel. Receiving no reply, they remarked, “Well, we will take both of them.” After warning the women against calling for help, they marched Urschel and Jarrett to where they had driven their car, put them into the back of the Chevrolet sedan, and drove rapidly away.

Mrs. Urschel, in accordance with the attorney general’s advice to the public, immediately telephoned J. Edgar Hoover, Director of the FBI. Special agents were sent to Oklahoma City, where an extensive investigation commenced.

At 1:00 a.m., Sunday, July 23, 1933, Jarrett made his way back to the Urschel residence. The victims had been driven to the outskirts of the city, where they had turned right on a dirt road parallel to the 23rd Street Highway and had proceeded northeast to a point about twelve miles from the city. After crossing a small bridge and arriving at an intersection, they had put Jarrett out of the car after they had identified him and had taken $50 which he had in his wallet, warning him not to tell the direction the kidnappers had gone. He stated that after he was released the car proceeded south.

The Legend of Machine Guy Kelly

After the kidnapping became known, numerous letters, telephone calls, and other leads were received, many of which were anonymous, indicating possible leads. All had to be followed, although few were of value. Leads of this nature were developed simultaneously in all parts of the United States.

Several days elapsed before word was received from the kidnappers. On July 26, J.G. Catlett, a wealthy oil man of Tulsa, Oklahoma and an intimate friend of Mr. Urschel, received a package through Western Union. It contained a letter written to him by Mr. Urschel, requesting Mr. Catlett to act as an intermediary for his release; a personal letter from Mr. Urschel to his wife; and a typewritten note directed to Mr. Catlett, demanding that he proceed to Oklahoma City immediately and not communicate by telephone or otherwise with the Urschel family from Tulsa. The package also contained a typewritten letter addressed to Mr. E. E. Kirkpatrick of Oklahoma City, which read in part.

“Immediately upon receipt of this letter you will proceed to obtain the sum of TWO HUNDRED THOUSAND DOLLARS ($200,000.00) in GENUINE USED FEDERAL RESERVE CURRENCY in the denomination of TWENTY DOLLARS ($20.00) Bills.

It will be useless for you to attempt taking notes of SERIAL NUMBERS MAKING UP DUMMY PACKAGE, OR ANYTHING ELSE IN THE LINE OF ATTEMPTED DOUBLE CROSS. BEAR THIS IN MIND, CHARLES F. URSCHEL WILL REMAIN IN OUR CUSTODY UNTIL MONEY HAS BEEN INSPECTED AND EXCHANGED AND FURTHERMORE WILL BE AT THE SCENE OF CONTACT FOR PAY-OFF AND IF THERE SHOULD BE ANY ATTEMPT AT ANY DOUBLE XX IT WILL BE HE THAT SUFFERS THE CONSEQUENCE.

RUN THIS AD FOR ONE WEEK IN DAILY OKLAHOMAN.

‘FOR SALE —- 160 Acres Land, good five room house, deep well. Also Cows, Tools, Tractor, Corn, and Hay. $3750.00 for quick sale. . TERMS. . Box # _____’

You will hear from us as soon as convenient after insertion of AD.”

The ad was inserted.

On July 28, an envelope addressed to the “Daily Oklahoman,” Box H-807, was received. It was from Joplin, Missouri. A letter to Kirkpatrick read in part:

“ . . . You will pack TWO HUNDRED THOUSAND DOLLARS ($200,000.00) in USED GENUINE FEDERAL RESERVE NOTES OF TWENTY DOLLAR DENOMINATION in a suitable LIGHT COLORED LEATHER BAG and have someone purchase transportation for you, including berth, aboard Train #28 (The Sooner) which departs at 10:10 p.m. via the M. K. & T. Lines for Kansas City, Mo.

You will ride on the OBSERVATION PLATFORM where you may be observed by some-one at some Station along the Line between Okla. City and K. C. Mo. If indication are alright, somewhere along the Right-of-Way you will observe a Fire on the Right Side of Track (Facing direction train is bound) that first Fire will be your Cue to be prepared to throw BAG to Track immediately after passing SECOND FIRE.

REMEMBER THIS — IF ANY TRICKERY IS ATTEMPTED YOU WILL FIND THE REMAINS OF URSCHEL AND INSTEAD OF JOY THERE WILL BE DOUBLE GRIEF — FOR, SOME-ONE VERY NEAR AND DEAR TO THE URSCHEL FAMILY IS UNDER CONSTANT SURVEILLANCE AND WILL LIKE-WISE SUFFER FOR YOUR ERROR.

“If there is the slightest HITCH in these PLANS for any reason what-so-ever, not your fault, you will proceed on into Kansas City, Mo. and register at the Muehlebach Hotel under the name of E. E. Kincaid of Little Rock, Arkansas and await further instructions there.

THE MAIN THING IS DO NOT DIVULGE THE CONTENTS OF THIS LETTER TO ANY LAW AUTHORITIES FOR WE HAVE NO INTENTION OF FURTHER COMMUNICATION.

YOU ARE TO MAKE THIS TRIP SATURDAY JULY 29TH 1933 . . . “

The Bureau’s first concern in all kidnapping cases is the safe return of the kidnapped victim. Accordingly, no effort was made on the part of the Bureau to identify the writer of these letters or to interfere in any way with the negotiations until after Urschel was returned.

As a result of the above letters, $200,000 in used $20 notes of the Federal Reserve Bank, Tenth District, was obtained and the serial numbers recorded. They were placed in a new, light-colored leather Gladstone bag. At the same time, another identical bag was purchased and filled with old magazines, fearing an attempt at hijacking. As a precaution, it was decided that Catlett would accompany Kirkpatrick to Kansas City. By prearrangement, Catlett sat just inside the rear end of the observation car, while Kirkpatrick sat on the observation platform with the bag containing the magazines. Kirkpatrick remained on the observation platform all night, riding there all the way to Kansas City, but no signals were observed.

Upon arrival at Kansas City, Kirkpatrick and Catlett proceeded to the Muehlebach Hotel. Kirkpatrick registered under the name of E. E. Kincaid and waited in his room, where he received a telegram from Tulsa, Oklahoma, as follows:

“Owing to unavoidable incident unable to keep appointed. Will phone you about six. Signed, C. H. Moore.”

About 5:30 p.m., on Sunday, July 30, Kirkpatrick received a telephone call from a party who asked if this was “Mr. Kincaid,” and upon being advised that it was stated, “This is Moore. You got my telegram?” to which Kirkpatrick replied in the affirmative. Kirkpatrick was then instructed to leave the Muehlebach Hotel in a taxicab and proceed to the LaSalle Hotel and walk west a block or two. He requested permission to be accompanied by a friend, which request was curtly refused. Accordingly, Kirkpatrick took the bag containing the $200,000, arriving at the LaSalle Hotel at about 6 p.m. He walked west. After proceeding no more than half a block, he observed a man approaching him who, upon reaching Kirkpatrick, said, “Mr. Kincaid, I will take that bag,” and reached out and took it. Kirkpatrick then stated, “I want some instructions. I must telephone someone who is very interested immediately.” The man who had taken the bag told Kirkpatrick to return to the hotel and Urschel would be returned within the specified time. Kirkpatrick then returned to the hotel and from there, proceeded to Oklahoma City. Catlett returned to Tulsa.

Urschel Returns Home

Urschel arrived home exhausted at about 11:30 p.m., July 31, stating that he had been able to sleep but very little during the nine days he had been held in captivity. As soon as he recovered from the shock and regained his strength, he was interviewed by FBI special agents. A detailed statement was obtained including every movement and action taken by himself, the kidnappers, and those with whom they came in contact during his period of captivity.

Urschel’s statement concerning the kidnapping and transactions that occurred immediately thereafter was substantially the same as Jarrett’s recollection. Urschel stated that immediately after Jarrett’s release one of the men produced some cotton, a short bandage, and adhesive tape, and he was blind-folded. Approximately one hour after being blindfolded, the car passed through either two small oil fields or the end of two large fields approximately 30 minutes driving time apart. He could smell the gas and hear the oil pumps working. The first stop was made about 3:30 a.m., when he was taken from the car into the brush by one of the abductors, while the other man was gone approximately 15 minutes after gasoline. About one hour later, a stop was made to open a gate, and approximately three minutes later, another stop was made and another gate opened. Within a minute after the last gate, the car drove into what he took to be a garage. In this building, the men, from their movements and actions, transferred license plates from the Chevrolet sedan to a larger car, which Urschel believed to be a seven-passenger Cadillac or Buick. A berth had been made up in the back of this car and he was told to lie on this bunk. They left this place immediately and after a drive of two or three hours, a stop was made at a filling station, where a woman attendant filled the car with gas. Urschel overheard one of the men asking the woman about crop conditions and she replied that, “The crops around here are burned up, although we may make some broom corn.”

Urschel stated that about 9 or 10 a.m., it rained and the road became very slippery, to the extent that on one occasion one of the men was compelled to alight and push the car. In his opinion, at no time on this trip did they drive on pavement. At the next stop, the car was driven directly into what he considered a garage, and at this point, he asked one of the men the time and he replied that it was 2:30 p.m. They remained in this building until dark, when he was taken outside. They passed through a narrow gate and proceeded on a boardwalk. He was led into a house and into a room where he was told there were two beds. The bed he occupied was apparently an iron cot and one of them occupied the other. Shortly after entering this house, he heard the voices of a man and woman in an adjoining room. He stated that his ears were filled with cotton and adhesive tape was placed over them.

Urschel stated that he stayed in this house until the next day—July 24—when he was taken in an automobile by the two men to a house about 15 minutes driving distance. While in the first house, he ate from a small table and he heard barnyard animals outside.

Upon entering the second house, he was led into a room where he was told to lie upon some blankets in a corner of the room. He also heard voices of a man and a woman in the adjoining room which did not resemble the voice of either of the two men who abducted him. Shortly thereafter, this man and woman left the place.

Urschel stated that on the first night, at the second house, a handcuff was placed on one of his wrists and attached to a chair. Next morning, the two men brought up the matter of a contact. They asked Urschel if he had a friend in Tulsa, Oklahoma, who could be trusted, and he suggested the name of John G. Catlett. The men instructed him to write a letter to Catlett and he did.

In addition to the two men who kidnapped him, Urschel was guarded by an old man and a younger man. Urschel stated that, during the time he was held in captivity, one of his two kidnappers discussed freely with him the fact that the had been stealing for 25 years, mentioning Bonnie and Clyde, referring to them as, “Just a couple of cheap filling station and car thieves,” and stating that his group did not deal in anything cheap. He also freely discussed a number of bank robberies, advising that he and his friend had been invited to participate in a bank robbery at Clinton, Iowa, but after making a survey of the place, they did not take part in the robbery because the chances of making a “get-away” were unfavorable.

Urschel stated that one of the two kidnappers returned to the house on Friday and brought with him a chain. Thereafter, this chain was attached to his handcuffs, which enabled him to move about to some extent. He observed chickens, cows, and hogs around the place, and he was advised by one of the guards that the had four milk cows. Urschel stated that he was given water in an old tin cup. The well from which this water was obtained was northwest of the house, and the water was obtained from the well by a rope and bucket on a pulley, which made considerable noise. He stated that each morning and evening a plane passed regularly over the house. He managed to get a look at his watch and determined that the morning plane would always pass at approximately 9:45 and the evening plane would pass at approximately 5:45. On Sunday, July 30, when it rained very hard, the morning plane did not pass.

Urschel stated that on Monday, July 31, at about 2:00 p.m., one of his kidnappers returned and told him that he was going to be released, that they had to leave at a certain time, and that another car was going ahead as a pilot car. He was then driven to a point near Norman, Oklahoma, where he was given $10 and released.

The Investigation

While no effort was made by the Bureau to apprehend the kidnappers until after the release of Urschel, extensive investigation was being conducted throughout the United States. As early as July 24, two days after Urschel was kidnapped, information was obtained at Fort Worth, Texas, indicating the probability that George R. and Kathryn Thorne Kelly were involved in this crime. Consequently, an exhaustive investigation was commenced concerning the history and whereabouts of these individuals. It disclosed that Kathryn Thorne Kelly was the daughter of James Emory Brooks and Mrs. Ora L. Shannon; that Kathryn’s mother had divorced Brooks and later married Lonnie Fry at Asher, Oklahoma, and had a daughter, Pauline Fry, now 14 years of age; that Kathryn and Fry were divorced soon after their marriage and she married Charlie Thorne of Coleman, Texas; that Thorne was later found dead under mysterious circumstances pronounced “suicide” by the coroner; and that after Thorne’s death a note was found which read, “I cannot live with her or without her.” The investigation also disclosed that after Thorne’s death Kathryn married George Kelly Barnes, under the name of George R. Kelly. He had served a sentence in the New Mexico State Prison and was known to be enjoying many luxuries, including high-powered automobiles and expensive jewelry, without any visible means of support.

Kelly was born in Tennessee in 1897 and spent his early years in modest surroundings. He attended public schools before becoming a salesman and, later, a bootlegger. He married Kathryn Thorne in 1927. She encouraged Kelly to become deeply involved in a life of crime, bought him a machine gun, and gave him the nickname, “Machine Gun.” He concentrated on running illegal alcohol and also robber some banks prior to the Urschel kidnapping.

After Urschel was debriefed, the Bureau’s activities centered on locating the houses in which Urschel was held and bringing about the apprehension and conviction of the kidnappers. It appeared from the information submitted by Urschel that the best possible clue as to the location of these houses was his statement concerning the weather conditions and the fact that airplanes flew over one of the houses at approximately 9:45 a.m. and 5:45 p.m. daily.

Accordingly, a review was made of all airplane schedules within a radius of 600 miles of Oklahoma City. A check of the Fort Worth-Amarillo Line of American Airways disclosed that a plane left Fort Worth daily at 9:15 a.m. and Amarillo, Texas, at 3:30 p.m. From this information, it was determined that these two planes would be in the vicinity of Paradise, Texas, between 9:40 and 9:45 a.m. and between 5:40 and 5:45 p.m. The daily reports concerning the movements of these planes indicated that from July 23 until July 29, they flew according to schedule; that there was no rain recorded over the route during that period; and that on Sunday, July 30, the plane left Fort Worth at 11:45 a.m., after being detained by a storm, and subsequently, took an extreme northerly course to avoid the storm.

The records of the meteorologist of the United States Weather Bureau of Dallas, Texas were consulted and disclosed that rain was recorded at and in the vicinity of Paradise, Texas, on July 30, 1933; that Paradise and vicinity had an exceedingly dry season; that the first real rain since May 20 in this vicinity was that on July 30; and that the corn began to burn in June.

It will be recalled that the airplane schedules and the weather conditions of Paradise, Texas, corresponded with the weather conditions and airplane schedules Mr. Urschel had noted during his period of captivity. From this information, a check of the suspects who had been under investigation by the Bureau, since the kidnapping of Mr. Urschel, disclosed that Mrs. Shannon, Kathryn Kelly’s mother, lived near Paradise.

A closer look at the residence of Mr. and Mrs. R.G. Shannon was needed. Accordingly, a Bureau agent, under a pretext, visited the Shannon residence on August 10, and while there noted the similarity of the house and surroundings with that described by Urschel. It was also determined that R.G. Shannon’s son, Armon Shannon, lived on a ranch about a mile and a half from that of his father. An inspection of this house was also made that disclosed a well, a water bucket, a tin cup, a baby’s chair, and general surroundings substantially the same as described by Urschel. Further investigation disclosed that Kathryn and George Kelly had been seen in the vicinity during the period in question.

After obtaining the above information, it was decided to raid the Shannon residence in the early morning of August 12. Arrested was Harvey J. Bailey, a notorious criminal and gunman, who had escaped form the Kansas State Penitentiary at Lansing, Kansas, on May 30, 1933, where he was serving a sentence of 10 to 50 years on a charge of robbing a bank at Fort Scott, Kansas. He also was wanted in connection with the murder of three police officers, an FBI special agent, and their prisoner, Frank Nash, at Kansas City on June 17, 1933. Robert G. Shannon, his wife, Ora L. Shannon, and Armon Shannon were also taken into custody. Bailey had beside him at the time of his arrest a machine gun and two automatic pistols. He was captured before he had an opportunity to use any of these arms. On his person was discovered $1,100, $700 of which was promptly identified as the money used in the payment of ransom for Urschel’s release. Subsequent investigation developed that this machine gun had previously been purchased at Fort Worth, Texas, by Kathryn Kelly.

Urschel viewed the residence of the Shannons and immediately identified the house of R.G. Shannon as the house in which he was first held, and that of Armon Shannon as the house in which he was held until his release. Urschel also identified R.G. Shannon and his son, Armon Shannon, as the individuals who stood guard over him during the absence of the two kidnappers. He was able to identify many things, including the men by their voices, the residences by the number of steps which he had taken to enter same, the baby’s chair, the galvanized bucket, the tin cup, the squeaking well, the mineral taste of the water, the fowls and animals around the houses, and the chain to which he had been handcuffed.

The Shannons were questioned thoroughly and readily admitted that Urschel had been held at their residences and that they stood guard over him. They advised that Urschel was kidnapped by George Kelly and Albert L. Bates.

Bates, a hardened criminal with a lengthy criminal record, was taken into custody at Denver, Colorado on August 12, 1933, on a local charge. At the time of his arrest, he had in his possession $660, later identified by Bureau agents as part of the Urschel ransom money. He also had a machine gun.

The serial numbers of the ransom bills had been circulated to banks throughout the United States and a number of these bills had been exchanged at the Hennepin State Bank at Minneapolis, Minnesota. Investigation there disclosed that Sam Frederick, a truck driver of Wolk Transfer Company, had presented $1,000 of the ransom money to that bank. Frederick was immediately located and revealed that on August 5, 1933, his boss, Charles Wolk, requested him to accompany two unknown men to the bank, where he obtained a cashier’s check under the name of S. H. Peters, in the amount of $1,800, which he immediately gave to the two unknown individuals.

Wolk, upon interview, stated on August 5, he received a telephone call from a person known to him as “Barney,” who requested him to get a cashier’s check from a bank for $1,800. Subsequent to this call, “Barney,” with an unknown individual, came to his office and requested that he accompany them to the bank for the purpose of obtaining a cashier’s check. Wolk stated that the did not go with them but sent his driver, Sam Frederick.

It later developed that the cashier’s check had been presented for payment by Peter Valder, who upon interview, advised that he was well acquainted with Barney Berman and that on August 2, Berman gave him a check for $1,000 drawn on a bank in Fargo, North Dakota, with the request that he cash the same, which he did. On August 5, the First National Bank and Trust Company of Minneapolis called Wolk and advised him that this check had been returned marked, “insufficient funds.” He then advised Berman who, subsequently, gave him a cashier’s check drawn to the order of S.H. Peters on the Hennepin State Bank of Minneapolis in the amount of $1,800 and requested him to take out the $1,000 check which had been marked “insufficient funds” and to get the balance of $800 in $100 bills.

It was also discovered that on August 7, 1933, $500 of the Urschel ransom money was deposited in the First National Bank at Minneapolis by Sam Kronick. He was later located and he advised that he obtained this money from his cousin, Sam Kozberg, on August 5. Sam Kozberg was later taken into custody and he advised that on August 5, Barney Berman, at his request, gave him the 25 $20 bills, totaling $500, which he had deposited.

Edward Barney Berman was later interviewed and he advised that on August 3, 1933, he was approached by a man who gave his name as “Collings” and stated that he wanted to buy some liquor. Berman referred him to his associate, “Kid” Cann, who sold Collins 125 cases of whiskey for $5,500 which was paid in bills, a number of which were of the $20 denomination and which had been identified as part of the Urschel ransom money. Berman admitted that he had accompanied Sam Frederick to the Hennepin State Bank and purchased the cashier’s check for $1,800. He stated he was accompanied by Clifford Skelly.

Berman’s associate, referred to as “Kid” Cann, was later identified as Isadore Blumenfeld, who advised that on August 3, 1933, a man came into their office at the West Hotel in Minneapolis and talked to Barney Berman, who referred this individual, known as Collins, to him. Blumenfeld consummated the deal for 125 cases of whiskey for $5,500 with Collins and turned over the money to another associate, Clifford Skelly. Skelly, upon interview, told the same story as that of Blumenfeld and Berman.
The above-named individuals, together with the parties arrested at Paradise, Texas, Albert Bates, George R. and Kathryn Thorne Kelly, were indicted at Oklahoma City, Oklahoma on August 23, 1933, on a charge of conspiracy to kidnap Charles F. Urschel. All were in custody except the Kellys. On September 30, the jury returned a verdict of guilty against R.G. Shannon, Ora L. Shannon, Armon Shannon, Albert L. Bates, Harvey J. Bailey, Clifford Skelly, and Barney Berman and a verdict of not guilty against Isador Blumenfeld, Sam Kozberg, and Sam Kronick. Peter Valder and Charles Albert Wolk had previously been discharged by virtue of a demurrer to the indictment against them being sustained. On October 7, 1933, Harvey J. Bailey, Albert L. Bates, R.G. Shannon, and Ora L. Shannon were each sentenced to life imprisonment, Armon Shannon to 10 years probation. Edward Barney Berman and Clifford Skelly were each sentenced to serve 5 years.

On September 4, 1933, Harvey J. Bailey, arrested on the Shannon ranch on August 12 and who had previously escaped from the Kansas State Penitentiary, escaped from the Dallas County Jail at about 7:10 a.m. An examination of Bailey’s cell, located on the tenth floor of the jail, disclosed that he had escaped by removing three bars from his cell by means of hacksaws which had been smuggled to him together with a revolver. Bailey’s freedom, however, was short as he was taken into custody on the afternoon of the same day of escape at Ardmore, Oklahoma.

Investigation disclosed that the hacksaws and revolver were smuggled in to Bailey by Thomas L. Manion, a deputy sheriff and jailer at the Dallas County Jail, and that one Groover C. Bevill of Dallas, Texas, had purchased the hacksaws and assisted Manion in making it possible for Bailey to escape. For this offense Manion and Bevill were indicted at Dallas, Texas on September 25, 1933, and tried and convicted on October 5. Manion was sentenced on October 7 to pay a fine of $10,000 and to serve two years in the United States Penitentiary at Leavenworth. Bevill was sentenced to serve 14 months in the same institution.

While the Bureau was collecting evidence for the trial of Harvey J. Bailey, et al, at Oklahoma City, and for the trial of Manion and Bevill at Dallas, Texas, it was also pursuing efforts to apprehend George and Kathryn Kelly. During the trial at Oklahoma City, the Kellys sent a number of threatening letters to Urschel and Joseph B. Keeyan, Assistant Attorney General, who was in charge of the prosecution at Oklahoma City, threatening their lives and intimidating government witnesses.

The Kellys Are Captured

An investigation conducted at Memphis disclosed that the Kellys were living at the residence of J.C. Tichenor. Special agents from Birmingham, Alabama were immediately dispatched to Memphis, where, in the early morning hours of September 26, 1933, a raid was conducted. George and Kathryn Kelly were taken into custody by FBI agents and Memphis police. Caught without a weapon, George Kelly allegedly cried, “Don’t shoot, G-Men! Don’t shoot, G-Men!” as he surrendered to FBI agents. The term, which had applied to all federal investigators, became synonymous with FBI agents. The couple was immediately removed to Oklahoma City.
On October 12, 1933, George and Kathryn Kelly were convicted and sentenced to life imprisonment.

Investigation at Coleman, Texas disclosed that the Kellys had been housed and protected by Cassey Earl Coleman and Will Casey and that Coleman had assisted George Kelly in storing $73,250 of the Urschel ransom money on his ranch. This money was located by Bureau agents in the early morning hours of September 27 in a cotton patch on Coleman’s ranch. They were both indicted at Dallas, Texas on October 4, 1933, charged with harboring a fugitive and conspiracy, and on October 17, 1933, Coleman, after entering a plea of guilty, was sentenced to serve one year and one day, and Casey after trial and conviction, was sentenced to serve two years in the United States Penitentiary at Leavenworth, Kansas.

J.C. Tichemor and Langford Ramsey were indicted at Jackson, Tennessee, on charges of conspiracy and harboring and concealing a fugitive, for their part in concealing the Kellys at Memphis, Tennessee. On October 21, 1933, they were each sentenced to serve two years and six months imprisonment.

Investigation also disclosed that while the Kellys were in Chicago, Illinois, they were shielded by Abe and Charles Kaplan.

During the time in which Urschel was being held a kidnap victim, Kathryn Kelly maintained a residence at Fort Worth, Texas. She had been living with Louise Magness. Shortly after the payment of the ransom money, and in response to a telegram, Louise Magness flew from Fort Worth, Texas to Des Moines, Iowa, where she joined George and Kathryn Kelly. She then drove the Kellys to Brownwood, Texas and posing as the sister of George Kelly, purchased for Kelly and his wife a 1928 Chevrolet sedan.

On February 22, 1934, Magness was indicted at Fort Worth, Texas, charged with harboring George and Kathryn Kelly. On April 30, 1934, she entered a plea of guilty and was sentenced to serve one year and one day in the Federal Industrial Institution for Women at Alderson, West Virginia.

Investigation disclosed that Albert Bates had married Mrs. Clara Feldman, who had a son, Edward George Feldman. Clara Feldman had a brother-in-law, Alvin H. Scott, who was also a close associate of the above-mentioned parties. After the Urschel kidnapping, Bates joined Clara and Edward Feldman in Denver, Colorado, and later visited relatives in Portland, Oregon. Bates then returned to Denver, Colorado, where he was arrested shortly thereafter.

Clara and Edward Feldman had no knowledge of Bates’ arrest until a prisoner, who had recently been released from the county jail in Denver, left a message at the Feldman apartment to the effect that Bates was in custody and that Clara Feldman should “look in the suitcase.” The suitcase was found to be filled with $20 bills. Clara and Edward Feldman then proceeded to Cheyenne, Wyoming, where they buried this money.

Shortly thereafter, Ben Laska, a Denver attorney, communicated with the Feldmans, advised them that he was defending Bates and that he would get in touch with them when he needed some money. Laska then took from Edward Feldman all identifying papers and told Feldman to use the fictitious name of Axel C. Johnson. Laska advised Edward and Clara Feldman to go east and live in large cities where their identities would not become known. Thereafter, at Laska’s request, Clara and Edward Feldman paid Laska $8,000 of this ransom money to cover his expenses in the defense of Bates. Laska then asked for a diagram of the place where the remaining ransom money was buried. Edward Feldman furnished him with a fictitious diagram.

Laska subsequently demanded of Edward Feldman an additional $2,000. By prearrangement, Edward Feldman met Laska at Oklahoma City, Oklahoma, where $2,000 of the Urschel ransom money was delivered to Laska.

On December 4, 1934, Clara Feldman advised special agents of the location of additional ransom currency in the sum of $38,460 which had been cached away. On November 2, 1934, Alvin H. Scott, a brother-in-law of Clara Feldman was seriously injured in an automobile accident at Roseburg, Oregon. At the time of this accident, Scott had in his possession $1,360 in Urschel ransom money. A search of the premises of Alvin Scott disclosed the location of an additional sum of $6,140 in Urschel ransom money. Clara Feldman and Edward Feldman were taken into custody at Dunsmuir, California, November 9, 1934, $1,100 in ransom money being recovered from their possession. Immediate questioning of them by special agents disclosed the location of $1,520 additional ransom currency which these parties had cached at a point near Woodland, Washington. Continued questioning of Alvin H. Scott disclosed the location of additional ransom money in the sum of $5,000.

On December 14, 1934, the following persons were indicted by a federal grand jury at Oklahoma City, Oklahoma, charging them with conspiracy to violate the Kidnapping Statute: Ben B. Laska, James C. Mathers, Clara Feldman, Edward Feldman, and Alvin Scott. Accordingly, Clara and Edward Feldman and Alvin Scott were removed to Oklahoma City. On December 17, 1934, Ben Laska was taken into custody by agents in Oklahoma City. It was alleged that Mathers had accepted from Laska $2,000 of the Urschel ransom money, with knowledge of the character of the money.

On December 17, 1934, Clara Feldman entered a plea of guilty to the indictment. Edward Feldman and Alvin Scott pleaded guilty on January 2, 1935. Alvin Scott, Clara Feldman, and Edward Feldman were sentenced on June 15, 1935, to serve five years each in a federal penitentiary. These sentences were suspended for five years, and each was placed on probation.

James C. Mathers and Ben Laska were tried in federal court at Oklahoma City, Oklahoma, on June 10, 1935. On June 14, 1935, Mathers was acquitted by a directed verdict. On June 15, 1935, Laska was sentenced to serve 10 years in a federal penitentiary.

Laska was released on a $10,000 bond pending an appeal. The U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals for the 10th Circuit at Denver, Colorado on March 27, 1936 rendered a decision affirming the District Court at Oklahoma City, Oklahoma. Laska surrendered to the U.S. marshal at Oklahoma City, Oklahoma on August 1, 1936 and was removed to the U.S. Penitentiary at Leavenworth, Kansas, on the same date.

Mrs. Mollie O. Bert, a Denver, Colorado attorney, furnished some untruthful testimony during the trials of Laska. As a result of this testimony, a complaint filed against Mrs. Bert at Oklahoma City, Oklahoma on June 15, 1936, charging her with perjury. She was released on a $5,000 bond after a plea of not guilty.

On October 1, 1936, Mrs. Bert withdrew her plea of not guilty and entered a plea of nolle contendere and was sentenced on the same date to serve one year and one day imprisonment, which sentence was suspended pending good behavior for one year.

Twenty-one persons were convicted in this case, the sentences including six life sentences and other sentences totaling 58 years, two months, and three days.

George “Machine Gun” Kelly died of a heart attack at the Federal Penitentiary, Leavenworth, Kansas, on July 17, 1954. Kathryn Kelly was released from prison in Cincinnati in 1958; she was last known to be residing in Oklahoma.


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GEORGE “MACHINE GUN” KELLY

- At 11:15 p.m., on Saturday, July 22, 1933, Mr. and Mrs. Charles F. Urschel, one of Oklahoma’s wealthiest couples, were playing bridge with their friends, Mr. and Mrs. Walter R. Jarrett, on a screened porch of the Urschel residence at Oklahoma City. Two men, one armed with a machine gun and the other with a pistol, opened the screen door and inquired which of the two men was Mr. Urschel. Receiving no reply, they remarked, “Well, we will take both of them.” After warning the women against calling for help, they marched Urschel and Jarrett to where they had driven their car, put them into the back of the Chevrolet sedan, and drove rapidly away.

Mrs. Urschel, in accordance with the attorney general’s advice to the public, immediately telephoned J. Edgar Hoover, Director of the FBI. Special agents were sent to Oklahoma City, where an extensive investigation commenced.

At 1:00 a.m., Sunday, July 23, 1933, Jarrett made his way back to the Urschel residence. The victims had been driven to the outskirts of the city, where they had turned right on a dirt road parallel to the 23rd Street Highway and had proceeded northeast to a point about twelve miles from the city. After crossing a small bridge and arriving at an intersection, they had put Jarrett out of the car after they had identified him and had taken $50 which he had in his wallet, warning him not to tell the direction the kidnappers had gone. He stated that after he was released the car proceeded south.

The Legend of Machine Guy Kelly

After the kidnapping became known, numerous letters, telephone calls, and other leads were received, many of which were anonymous, indicating possible leads. All had to be followed, although few were of value. Leads of this nature were developed simultaneously in all parts of the United States.

Several days elapsed before word was received from the kidnappers. On July 26, J.G. Catlett, a wealthy oil man of Tulsa, Oklahoma and an intimate friend of Mr. Urschel, received a package through Western Union. It contained a letter written to him by Mr. Urschel, requesting Mr. Catlett to act as an intermediary for his release; a personal letter from Mr. Urschel to his wife; and a typewritten note directed to Mr. Catlett, demanding that he proceed to Oklahoma City immediately and not communicate by telephone or otherwise with the Urschel family from Tulsa. The package also contained a typewritten letter addressed to Mr. E. E. Kirkpatrick of Oklahoma City, which read in part.

“Immediately upon receipt of this letter you will proceed to obtain the sum of TWO HUNDRED THOUSAND DOLLARS ($200,000.00) in GENUINE USED FEDERAL RESERVE CURRENCY in the denomination of TWENTY DOLLARS ($20.00) Bills.

It will be useless for you to attempt taking notes of SERIAL NUMBERS MAKING UP DUMMY PACKAGE, OR ANYTHING ELSE IN THE LINE OF ATTEMPTED DOUBLE CROSS. BEAR THIS IN MIND, CHARLES F. URSCHEL WILL REMAIN IN OUR CUSTODY UNTIL MONEY HAS BEEN INSPECTED AND EXCHANGED AND FURTHERMORE WILL BE AT THE SCENE OF CONTACT FOR PAY-OFF AND IF THERE SHOULD BE ANY ATTEMPT AT ANY DOUBLE XX IT WILL BE HE THAT SUFFERS THE CONSEQUENCE.

RUN THIS AD FOR ONE WEEK IN DAILY OKLAHOMAN.

‘FOR SALE —- 160 Acres Land, good five room house, deep well. Also Cows, Tools, Tractor, Corn, and Hay. $3750.00 for quick sale. . TERMS. . Box # _____’

You will hear from us as soon as convenient after insertion of AD.”

The ad was inserted.

On July 28, an envelope addressed to the “Daily Oklahoman,” Box H-807, was received. It was from Joplin, Missouri. A letter to Kirkpatrick read in part:

“ . . . You will pack TWO HUNDRED THOUSAND DOLLARS ($200,000.00) in USED GENUINE FEDERAL RESERVE NOTES OF TWENTY DOLLAR DENOMINATION in a suitable LIGHT COLORED LEATHER BAG and have someone purchase transportation for you, including berth, aboard Train #28 (The Sooner) which departs at 10:10 p.m. via the M. K. & T. Lines for Kansas City, Mo.

You will ride on the OBSERVATION PLATFORM where you may be observed by some-one at some Station along the Line between Okla. City and K. C. Mo. If indication are alright, somewhere along the Right-of-Way you will observe a Fire on the Right Side of Track (Facing direction train is bound) that first Fire will be your Cue to be prepared to throw BAG to Track immediately after passing SECOND FIRE.

REMEMBER THIS — IF ANY TRICKERY IS ATTEMPTED YOU WILL FIND THE REMAINS OF URSCHEL AND INSTEAD OF JOY THERE WILL BE DOUBLE GRIEF — FOR, SOME-ONE VERY NEAR AND DEAR TO THE URSCHEL FAMILY IS UNDER CONSTANT SURVEILLANCE AND WILL LIKE-WISE SUFFER FOR YOUR ERROR.

“If there is the slightest HITCH in these PLANS for any reason what-so-ever, not your fault, you will proceed on into Kansas City, Mo. and register at the Muehlebach Hotel under the name of E. E. Kincaid of Little Rock, Arkansas and await further instructions there.

THE MAIN THING IS DO NOT DIVULGE THE CONTENTS OF THIS LETTER TO ANY LAW AUTHORITIES FOR WE HAVE NO INTENTION OF FURTHER COMMUNICATION.

YOU ARE TO MAKE THIS TRIP SATURDAY JULY 29TH 1933 . . . “

The Bureau’s first concern in all kidnapping cases is the safe return of the kidnapped victim. Accordingly, no effort was made on the part of the Bureau to identify the writer of these letters or to interfere in any way with the negotiations until after Urschel was returned.

As a result of the above letters, $200,000 in used $20 notes of the Federal Reserve Bank, Tenth District, was obtained and the serial numbers recorded. They were placed in a new, light-colored leather Gladstone bag. At the same time, another identical bag was purchased and filled with old magazines, fearing an attempt at hijacking. As a precaution, it was decided that Catlett would accompany Kirkpatrick to Kansas City. By prearrangement, Catlett sat just inside the rear end of the observation car, while Kirkpatrick sat on the observation platform with the bag containing the magazines. Kirkpatrick remained on the observation platform all night, riding there all the way to Kansas City, but no signals were observed.

Upon arrival at Kansas City, Kirkpatrick and Catlett proceeded to the Muehlebach Hotel. Kirkpatrick registered under the name of E. E. Kincaid and waited in his room, where he received a telegram from Tulsa, Oklahoma, as follows:

“Owing to unavoidable incident unable to keep appointed. Will phone you about six. Signed, C. H. Moore.”

About 5:30 p.m., on Sunday, July 30, Kirkpatrick received a telephone call from a party who asked if this was “Mr. Kincaid,” and upon being advised that it was stated, “This is Moore. You got my telegram?” to which Kirkpatrick replied in the affirmative. Kirkpatrick was then instructed to leave the Muehlebach Hotel in a taxicab and proceed to the LaSalle Hotel and walk west a block or two. He requested permission to be accompanied by a friend, which request was curtly refused. Accordingly, Kirkpatrick took the bag containing the $200,000, arriving at the LaSalle Hotel at about 6 p.m. He walked west. After proceeding no more than half a block, he observed a man approaching him who, upon reaching Kirkpatrick, said, “Mr. Kincaid, I will take that bag,” and reached out and took it. Kirkpatrick then stated, “I want some instructions. I must telephone someone who is very interested immediately.” The man who had taken the bag told Kirkpatrick to return to the hotel and Urschel would be returned within the specified time. Kirkpatrick then returned to the hotel and from there, proceeded to Oklahoma City. Catlett returned to Tulsa.

Urschel Returns Home

Urschel arrived home exhausted at about 11:30 p.m., July 31, stating that he had been able to sleep but very little during the nine days he had been held in captivity. As soon as he recovered from the shock and regained his strength, he was interviewed by FBI special agents. A detailed statement was obtained including every movement and action taken by himself, the kidnappers, and those with whom they came in contact during his period of captivity.

Urschel’s statement concerning the kidnapping and transactions that occurred immediately thereafter was substantially the same as Jarrett’s recollection. Urschel stated that immediately after Jarrett’s release one of the men produced some cotton, a short bandage, and adhesive tape, and he was blind-folded. Approximately one hour after being blindfolded, the car passed through either two small oil fields or the end of two large fields approximately 30 minutes driving time apart. He could smell the gas and hear the oil pumps working. The first stop was made about 3:30 a.m., when he was taken from the car into the brush by one of the abductors, while the other man was gone approximately 15 minutes after gasoline. About one hour later, a stop was made to open a gate, and approximately three minutes later, another stop was made and another gate opened. Within a minute after the last gate, the car drove into what he took to be a garage. In this building, the men, from their movements and actions, transferred license plates from the Chevrolet sedan to a larger car, which Urschel believed to be a seven-passenger Cadillac or Buick. A berth had been made up in the back of this car and he was told to lie on this bunk. They left this place immediately and after a drive of two or three hours, a stop was made at a filling station, where a woman attendant filled the car with gas. Urschel overheard one of the men asking the woman about crop conditions and she replied that, “The crops around here are burned up, although we may make some broom corn.”

Urschel stated that about 9 or 10 a.m., it rained and the road became very slippery, to the extent that on one occasion one of the men was compelled to alight and push the car. In his opinion, at no time on this trip did they drive on pavement. At the next stop, the car was driven directly into what he considered a garage, and at this point, he asked one of the men the time and he replied that it was 2:30 p.m. They remained in this building until dark, when he was taken outside. They passed through a narrow gate and proceeded on a boardwalk. He was led into a house and into a room where he was told there were two beds. The bed he occupied was apparently an iron cot and one of them occupied the other. Shortly after entering this house, he heard the voices of a man and woman in an adjoining room. He stated that his ears were filled with cotton and adhesive tape was placed over them.

Urschel stated that he stayed in this house until the next day—July 24—when he was taken in an automobile by the two men to a house about 15 minutes driving distance. While in the first house, he ate from a small table and he heard barnyard animals outside.

Upon entering the second house, he was led into a room where he was told to lie upon some blankets in a corner of the room. He also heard voices of a man and a woman in the adjoining room which did not resemble the voice of either of the two men who abducted him. Shortly thereafter, this man and woman left the place.

Urschel stated that on the first night, at the second house, a handcuff was placed on one of his wrists and attached to a chair. Next morning, the two men brought up the matter of a contact. They asked Urschel if he had a friend in Tulsa, Oklahoma, who could be trusted, and he suggested the name of John G. Catlett. The men instructed him to write a letter to Catlett and he did.

In addition to the two men who kidnapped him, Urschel was guarded by an old man and a younger man. Urschel stated that, during the time he was held in captivity, one of his two kidnappers discussed freely with him the fact that the had been stealing for 25 years, mentioning Bonnie and Clyde, referring to them as, “Just a couple of cheap filling station and car thieves,” and stating that his group did not deal in anything cheap. He also freely discussed a number of bank robberies, advising that he and his friend had been invited to participate in a bank robbery at Clinton, Iowa, but after making a survey of the place, they did not take part in the robbery because the chances of making a “get-away” were unfavorable.

Urschel stated that one of the two kidnappers returned to the house on Friday and brought with him a chain. Thereafter, this chain was attached to his handcuffs, which enabled him to move about to some extent. He observed chickens, cows, and hogs around the place, and he was advised by one of the guards that the had four milk cows. Urschel stated that he was given water in an old tin cup. The well from which this water was obtained was northwest of the house, and the water was obtained from the well by a rope and bucket on a pulley, which made considerable noise. He stated that each morning and evening a plane passed regularly over the house. He managed to get a look at his watch and determined that the morning plane would always pass at approximately 9:45 and the evening plane would pass at approximately 5:45. On Sunday, July 30, when it rained very hard, the morning plane did not pass.

Urschel stated that on Monday, July 31, at about 2:00 p.m., one of his kidnappers returned and told him that he was going to be released, that they had to leave at a certain time, and that another car was going ahead as a pilot car. He was then driven to a point near Norman, Oklahoma, where he was given $10 and released.

The Investigation

While no effort was made by the Bureau to apprehend the kidnappers until after the release of Urschel, extensive investigation was being conducted throughout the United States. As early as July 24, two days after Urschel was kidnapped, information was obtained at Fort Worth, Texas, indicating the probability that George R. and Kathryn Thorne Kelly were involved in this crime. Consequently, an exhaustive investigation was commenced concerning the history and whereabouts of these individuals. It disclosed that Kathryn Thorne Kelly was the daughter of James Emory Brooks and Mrs. Ora L. Shannon; that Kathryn’s mother had divorced Brooks and later married Lonnie Fry at Asher, Oklahoma, and had a daughter, Pauline Fry, now 14 years of age; that Kathryn and Fry were divorced soon after their marriage and she married Charlie Thorne of Coleman, Texas; that Thorne was later found dead under mysterious circumstances pronounced “suicide” by the coroner; and that after Thorne’s death a note was found which read, “I cannot live with her or without her.” The investigation also disclosed that after Thorne’s death Kathryn married George Kelly Barnes, under the name of George R. Kelly. He had served a sentence in the New Mexico State Prison and was known to be enjoying many luxuries, including high-powered automobiles and expensive jewelry, without any visible means of support.

Kelly was born in Tennessee in 1897 and spent his early years in modest surroundings. He attended public schools before becoming a salesman and, later, a bootlegger. He married Kathryn Thorne in 1927. She encouraged Kelly to become deeply involved in a life of crime, bought him a machine gun, and gave him the nickname, “Machine Gun.” He concentrated on running illegal alcohol and also robber some banks prior to the Urschel kidnapping.

After Urschel was debriefed, the Bureau’s activities centered on locating the houses in which Urschel was held and bringing about the apprehension and conviction of the kidnappers. It appeared from the information submitted by Urschel that the best possible clue as to the location of these houses was his statement concerning the weather conditions and the fact that airplanes flew over one of the houses at approximately 9:45 a.m. and 5:45 p.m. daily.

Accordingly, a review was made of all airplane schedules within a radius of 600 miles of Oklahoma City. A check of the Fort Worth-Amarillo Line of American Airways disclosed that a plane left Fort Worth daily at 9:15 a.m. and Amarillo, Texas, at 3:30 p.m. From this information, it was determined that these two planes would be in the vicinity of Paradise, Texas, between 9:40 and 9:45 a.m. and between 5:40 and 5:45 p.m. The daily reports concerning the movements of these planes indicated that from July 23 until July 29, they flew according to schedule; that there was no rain recorded over the route during that period; and that on Sunday, July 30, the plane left Fort Worth at 11:45 a.m., after being detained by a storm, and subsequently, took an extreme northerly course to avoid the storm.

The records of the meteorologist of the United States Weather Bureau of Dallas, Texas were consulted and disclosed that rain was recorded at and in the vicinity of Paradise, Texas, on July 30, 1933; that Paradise and vicinity had an exceedingly dry season; that the first real rain since May 20 in this vicinity was that on July 30; and that the corn began to burn in June.

It will be recalled that the airplane schedules and the weather conditions of Paradise, Texas, corresponded with the weather conditions and airplane schedules Mr. Urschel had noted during his period of captivity. From this information, a check of the suspects who had been under investigation by the Bureau, since the kidnapping of Mr. Urschel, disclosed that Mrs. Shannon, Kathryn Kelly’s mother, lived near Paradise.

A closer look at the residence of Mr. and Mrs. R.G. Shannon was needed. Accordingly, a Bureau agent, under a pretext, visited the Shannon residence on August 10, and while there noted the similarity of the house and surroundings with that described by Urschel. It was also determined that R.G. Shannon’s son, Armon Shannon, lived on a ranch about a mile and a half from that of his father. An inspection of this house was also made that disclosed a well, a water bucket, a tin cup, a baby’s chair, and general surroundings substantially the same as described by Urschel. Further investigation disclosed that Kathryn and George Kelly had been seen in the vicinity during the period in question.

After obtaining the above information, it was decided to raid the Shannon residence in the early morning of August 12. Arrested was Harvey J. Bailey, a notorious criminal and gunman, who had escaped form the Kansas State Penitentiary at Lansing, Kansas, on May 30, 1933, where he was serving a sentence of 10 to 50 years on a charge of robbing a bank at Fort Scott, Kansas. He also was wanted in connection with the murder of three police officers, an FBI special agent, and their prisoner, Frank Nash, at Kansas City on June 17, 1933. Robert G. Shannon, his wife, Ora L. Shannon, and Armon Shannon were also taken into custody. Bailey had beside him at the time of his arrest a machine gun and two automatic pistols. He was captured before he had an opportunity to use any of these arms. On his person was discovered $1,100, $700 of which was promptly identified as the money used in the payment of ransom for Urschel’s release. Subsequent investigation developed that this machine gun had previously been purchased at Fort Worth, Texas, by Kathryn Kelly.

Urschel viewed the residence of the Shannons and immediately identified the house of R.G. Shannon as the house in which he was first held, and that of Armon Shannon as the house in which he was held until his release. Urschel also identified R.G. Shannon and his son, Armon Shannon, as the individuals who stood guard over him during the absence of the two kidnappers. He was able to identify many things, including the men by their voices, the residences by the number of steps which he had taken to enter same, the baby’s chair, the galvanized bucket, the tin cup, the squeaking well, the mineral taste of the water, the fowls and animals around the houses, and the chain to which he had been handcuffed.

The Shannons were questioned thoroughly and readily admitted that Urschel had been held at their residences and that they stood guard over him. They advised that Urschel was kidnapped by George Kelly and Albert L. Bates.

Bates, a hardened criminal with a lengthy criminal record, was taken into custody at Denver, Colorado on August 12, 1933, on a local charge. At the time of his arrest, he had in his possession $660, later identified by Bureau agents as part of the Urschel ransom money. He also had a machine gun.

The serial numbers of the ransom bills had been circulated to banks throughout the United States and a number of these bills had been exchanged at the Hennepin State Bank at Minneapolis, Minnesota. Investigation there disclosed that Sam Frederick, a truck driver of Wolk Transfer Company, had presented $1,000 of the ransom money to that bank. Frederick was immediately located and revealed that on August 5, 1933, his boss, Charles Wolk, requested him to accompany two unknown men to the bank, where he obtained a cashier’s check under the name of S. H. Peters, in the amount of $1,800, which he immediately gave to the two unknown individuals.

Wolk, upon interview, stated on August 5, he received a telephone call from a person known to him as “Barney,” who requested him to get a cashier’s check from a bank for $1,800. Subsequent to this call, “Barney,” with an unknown individual, came to his office and requested that he accompany them to the bank for the purpose of obtaining a cashier’s check. Wolk stated that the did not go with them but sent his driver, Sam Frederick.

It later developed that the cashier’s check had been presented for payment by Peter Valder, who upon interview, advised that he was well acquainted with Barney Berman and that on August 2, Berman gave him a check for $1,000 drawn on a bank in Fargo, North Dakota, with the request that he cash the same, which he did. On August 5, the First National Bank and Trust Company of Minneapolis called Wolk and advised him that this check had been returned marked, “insufficient funds.” He then advised Berman who, subsequently, gave him a cashier’s check drawn to the order of S.H. Peters on the Hennepin State Bank of Minneapolis in the amount of $1,800 and requested him to take out the $1,000 check which had been marked “insufficient funds” and to get the balance of $800 in $100 bills.

It was also discovered that on August 7, 1933, $500 of the Urschel ransom money was deposited in the First National Bank at Minneapolis by Sam Kronick. He was later located and he advised that he obtained this money from his cousin, Sam Kozberg, on August 5. Sam Kozberg was later taken into custody and he advised that on August 5, Barney Berman, at his request, gave him the 25 $20 bills, totaling $500, which he had deposited.

Edward Barney Berman was later interviewed and he advised that on August 3, 1933, he was approached by a man who gave his name as “Collings” and stated that he wanted to buy some liquor. Berman referred him to his associate, “Kid” Cann, who sold Collins 125 cases of whiskey for $5,500 which was paid in bills, a number of which were of the $20 denomination and which had been identified as part of the Urschel ransom money. Berman admitted that he had accompanied Sam Frederick to the Hennepin State Bank and purchased the cashier’s check for $1,800. He stated he was accompanied by Clifford Skelly.

Berman’s associate, referred to as “Kid” Cann, was later identified as Isadore Blumenfeld, who advised that on August 3, 1933, a man came into their office at the West Hotel in Minneapolis and talked to Barney Berman, who referred this individual, known as Collins, to him. Blumenfeld consummated the deal for 125 cases of whiskey for $5,500 with Collins and turned over the money to another associate, Clifford Skelly. Skelly, upon interview, told the same story as that of Blumenfeld and Berman.
The above-named individuals, together with the parties arrested at Paradise, Texas, Albert Bates, George R. and Kathryn Thorne Kelly, were indicted at Oklahoma City, Oklahoma on August 23, 1933, on a charge of conspiracy to kidnap Charles F. Urschel. All were in custody except the Kellys. On September 30, the jury returned a verdict of guilty against R.G. Shannon, Ora L. Shannon, Armon Shannon, Albert L. Bates, Harvey J. Bailey, Clifford Skelly, and Barney Berman and a verdict of not guilty against Isador Blumenfeld, Sam Kozberg, and Sam Kronick. Peter Valder and Charles Albert Wolk had previously been discharged by virtue of a demurrer to the indictment against them being sustained. On October 7, 1933, Harvey J. Bailey, Albert L. Bates, R.G. Shannon, and Ora L. Shannon were each sentenced to life imprisonment, Armon Shannon to 10 years probation. Edward Barney Berman and Clifford Skelly were each sentenced to serve 5 years.

On September 4, 1933, Harvey J. Bailey, arrested on the Shannon ranch on August 12 and who had previously escaped from the Kansas State Penitentiary, escaped from the Dallas County Jail at about 7:10 a.m. An examination of Bailey’s cell, located on the tenth floor of the jail, disclosed that he had escaped by removing three bars from his cell by means of hacksaws which had been smuggled to him together with a revolver. Bailey’s freedom, however, was short as he was taken into custody on the afternoon of the same day of escape at Ardmore, Oklahoma.

Investigation disclosed that the hacksaws and revolver were smuggled in to Bailey by Thomas L. Manion, a deputy sheriff and jailer at the Dallas County Jail, and that one Groover C. Bevill of Dallas, Texas, had purchased the hacksaws and assisted Manion in making it possible for Bailey to escape. For this offense Manion and Bevill were indicted at Dallas, Texas on September 25, 1933, and tried and convicted on October 5. Manion was sentenced on October 7 to pay a fine of $10,000 and to serve two years in the United States Penitentiary at Leavenworth. Bevill was sentenced to serve 14 months in the same institution.

While the Bureau was collecting evidence for the trial of Harvey J. Bailey, et al, at Oklahoma City, and for the trial of Manion and Bevill at Dallas, Texas, it was also pursuing efforts to apprehend George and Kathryn Kelly. During the trial at Oklahoma City, the Kellys sent a number of threatening letters to Urschel and Joseph B. Keeyan, Assistant Attorney General, who was in charge of the prosecution at Oklahoma City, threatening their lives and intimidating government witnesses.

The Kellys Are Captured

An investigation conducted at Memphis disclosed that the Kellys were living at the residence of J.C. Tichenor. Special agents from Birmingham, Alabama were immediately dispatched to Memphis, where, in the early morning hours of September 26, 1933, a raid was conducted. George and Kathryn Kelly were taken into custody by FBI agents and Memphis police. Caught without a weapon, George Kelly allegedly cried, “Don’t shoot, G-Men! Don’t shoot, G-Men!” as he surrendered to FBI agents. The term, which had applied to all federal investigators, became synonymous with FBI agents. The couple was immediately removed to Oklahoma City.
On October 12, 1933, George and Kathryn Kelly were convicted and sentenced to life imprisonment.

Investigation at Coleman, Texas disclosed that the Kellys had been housed and protected by Cassey Earl Coleman and Will Casey and that Coleman had assisted George Kelly in storing $73,250 of the Urschel ransom money on his ranch. This money was located by Bureau agents in the early morning hours of September 27 in a cotton patch on Coleman’s ranch. They were both indicted at Dallas, Texas on October 4, 1933, charged with harboring a fugitive and conspiracy, and on October 17, 1933, Coleman, after entering a plea of guilty, was sentenced to serve one year and one day, and Casey after trial and conviction, was sentenced to serve two years in the United States Penitentiary at Leavenworth, Kansas.

J.C. Tichemor and Langford Ramsey were indicted at Jackson, Tennessee, on charges of conspiracy and harboring and concealing a fugitive, for their part in concealing the Kellys at Memphis, Tennessee. On October 21, 1933, they were each sentenced to serve two years and six months imprisonment.

Investigation also disclosed that while the Kellys were in Chicago, Illinois, they were shielded by Abe and Charles Kaplan.

During the time in which Urschel was being held a kidnap victim, Kathryn Kelly maintained a residence at Fort Worth, Texas. She had been living with Louise Magness. Shortly after the payment of the ransom money, and in response to a telegram, Louise Magness flew from Fort Worth, Texas to Des Moines, Iowa, where she joined George and Kathryn Kelly. She then drove the Kellys to Brownwood, Texas and posing as the sister of George Kelly, purchased for Kelly and his wife a 1928 Chevrolet sedan.

On February 22, 1934, Magness was indicted at Fort Worth, Texas, charged with harboring George and Kathryn Kelly. On April 30, 1934, she entered a plea of guilty and was sentenced to serve one year and one day in the Federal Industrial Institution for Women at Alderson, West Virginia.

Investigation disclosed that Albert Bates had married Mrs. Clara Feldman, who had a son, Edward George Feldman. Clara Feldman had a brother-in-law, Alvin H. Scott, who was also a close associate of the above-mentioned parties. After the Urschel kidnapping, Bates joined Clara and Edward Feldman in Denver, Colorado, and later visited relatives in Portland, Oregon. Bates then returned to Denver, Colorado, where he was arrested shortly thereafter.

Clara and Edward Feldman had no knowledge of Bates’ arrest until a prisoner, who had recently been released from the county jail in Denver, left a message at the Feldman apartment to the effect that Bates was in custody and that Clara Feldman should “look in the suitcase.” The suitcase was found to be filled with $20 bills. Clara and Edward Feldman then proceeded to Cheyenne, Wyoming, where they buried this money.

Shortly thereafter, Ben Laska, a Denver attorney, communicated with the Feldmans, advised them that he was defending Bates and that he would get in touch with them when he needed some money. Laska then took from Edward Feldman all identifying papers and told Feldman to use the fictitious name of Axel C. Johnson. Laska advised Edward and Clara Feldman to go east and live in large cities where their identities would not become known. Thereafter, at Laska’s request, Clara and Edward Feldman paid Laska $8,000 of this ransom money to cover his expenses in the defense of Bates. Laska then asked for a diagram of the place where the remaining ransom money was buried. Edward Feldman furnished him with a fictitious diagram.

Laska subsequently demanded of Edward Feldman an additional $2,000. By prearrangement, Edward Feldman met Laska at Oklahoma City, Oklahoma, where $2,000 of the Urschel ransom money was delivered to Laska.

On December 4, 1934, Clara Feldman advised special agents of the location of additional ransom currency in the sum of $38,460 which had been cached away. On November 2, 1934, Alvin H. Scott, a brother-in-law of Clara Feldman was seriously injured in an automobile accident at Roseburg, Oregon. At the time of this accident, Scott had in his possession $1,360 in Urschel ransom money. A search of the premises of Alvin Scott disclosed the location of an additional sum of $6,140 in Urschel ransom money. Clara Feldman and Edward Feldman were taken into custody at Dunsmuir, California, November 9, 1934, $1,100 in ransom money being recovered from their possession. Immediate questioning of them by special agents disclosed the location of $1,520 additional ransom currency which these parties had cached at a point near Woodland, Washington. Continued questioning of Alvin H. Scott disclosed the location of additional ransom money in the sum of $5,000.

On December 14, 1934, the following persons were indicted by a federal grand jury at Oklahoma City, Oklahoma, charging them with conspiracy to violate the Kidnapping Statute: Ben B. Laska, James C. Mathers, Clara Feldman, Edward Feldman, and Alvin Scott. Accordingly, Clara and Edward Feldman and Alvin Scott were removed to Oklahoma City. On December 17, 1934, Ben Laska was taken into custody by agents in Oklahoma City. It was alleged that Mathers had accepted from Laska $2,000 of the Urschel ransom money, with knowledge of the character of the money.

On December 17, 1934, Clara Feldman entered a plea of guilty to the indictment. Edward Feldman and Alvin Scott pleaded guilty on January 2, 1935. Alvin Scott, Clara Feldman, and Edward Feldman were sentenced on June 15, 1935, to serve five years each in a federal penitentiary. These sentences were suspended for five years, and each was placed on probation.

James C. Mathers and Ben Laska were tried in federal court at Oklahoma City, Oklahoma, on June 10, 1935. On June 14, 1935, Mathers was acquitted by a directed verdict. On June 15, 1935, Laska was sentenced to serve 10 years in a federal penitentiary.

Laska was released on a $10,000 bond pending an appeal. The U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals for the 10th Circuit at Denver, Colorado on March 27, 1936 rendered a decision affirming the District Court at Oklahoma City, Oklahoma. Laska surrendered to the U.S. marshal at Oklahoma City, Oklahoma on August 1, 1936 and was removed to the U.S. Penitentiary at Leavenworth, Kansas, on the same date.

Mrs. Mollie O. Bert, a Denver, Colorado attorney, furnished some untruthful testimony during the trials of Laska. As a result of this testimony, a complaint filed against Mrs. Bert at Oklahoma City, Oklahoma on June 15, 1936, charging her with perjury. She was released on a $5,000 bond after a plea of not guilty.

On October 1, 1936, Mrs. Bert withdrew her plea of not guilty and entered a plea of nolle contendere and was sentenced on the same date to serve one year and one day imprisonment, which sentence was suspended pending good behavior for one year.

Twenty-one persons were convicted in this case, the sentences including six life sentences and other sentences totaling 58 years, two months, and three days.

George “Machine Gun” Kelly died of a heart attack at the Federal Penitentiary, Leavenworth, Kansas, on July 17, 1954. Kathryn Kelly was released from prison in Cincinnati in 1958; she was last known to be residing in Oklahoma.


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THE END OF THE ROAD FOR A DRUG PROPERTIES’ MANAGER

Sunday September 15 2013

- Van Hung Nguyen arrived from Vietnam in 2002 for an agricultural show in Brisbane he didn’t attend, then disappeared for nine years until he resurfaced to apply for a new business visa.
By April last year his business in Melbourne was clearly booming.
Adorning his rented house in Burnside Heights was a Rolex watch, two $1750 pairs of Tag Heuer sunglasses and Louis Vuitton dress shoes. Stashed in the kitchen was $39,900 cash.
The contents of 21 other houses in 14 north-western Melbourne suburbs that Nguyen “managed” also displayed healthy growth figures – almost 5000 mature, immature or seedling marijuana plants with a “wet” weight of 1.2 tonnes.
Of the plants, 1697 were high-quality product estimated to be worth between $1.4 million and $2.3 million if sold per kilogram, but valued up to $8.9 million in gram deals.
Victoria’s Director of Public Prosecutions John Champion, SC, with Michelle Zammit, told a court it was the largest number of plants identified since the introduction in 2002 of a charge of cultivating a large commercial quantity, to which Nguyen has pleaded guilty. It carries a life sentence.
In response to recent massive increases in hydroponic “crop houses”, and where syndicate-based activity was involved and organisers faced court, Mr Champion said he would seek to uplift such cases, as Nguyen’s was, from the County Court to the Supreme Court.
Nguyen, 42, was the main target of Operation Permute by the Fawkner Divisional Response Unit which traced him for eight months from August 2011, until his arrest at home surrounded by wealth.
He had been seen “going from crop house to crop house” in his “managerial role”, and buying goods that included plasma TVs and DVD players to help the “crop sitters”, 14 of whom have now been jailed, Mr Champion said.
The operation was “sophisticated and highly organised” with electrical meters bypassed, reticulated watering systems, high-powered lighting, chemicals, cultivating tools and equipment – including harvesting machines – with automated nutrient feeding systems in roof cavities.
Nguyen told police he had previously picked grapes and strawberries and repaired houses, but denied involvement. “I might have been there, but just for fun,” he said.
Although he later admitted guilt, at his first appearance before Justice Weinberg in April, the judge, Mr Champion and defence lawyer Charlie Nikakis were “surprised” to learn Nguyen had scored an IQ of 40 in tests conducted by psychologist Jeffrey Cummins.
He had assessed Nguyen because Mr Nikakis felt his client’s intelligence did not fit the Crown’s depiction of him.
“I’ve never struck an IQ of 40, I must say, or anything like it,” Justice Weinberg remarked, who felt Nguyen “would not be able to function” with such a score.
Mr Champion described it as “inexplicable” and a “mystery” and questioned whether Nguyen was fit to plead.
Given Nguyen had not only held a managerial role in a large, complex operation, but had negotiated the purchase of a $130,000 BMW, got a driver’s licence and had sent money overseas about 20 times, Mr Champion had a strong case for confusion.
In evidence, Mr Cummins said Nguyen’s true score was 70 or below which meant he was in the mildly intellectually disabled range, but thought it unlikely Nguyen had misled him.
The hearing was adjourned in April for the Crown to have him examined by a second experienced psychologist, Professor James Ogloff, who recently told Justice Weinberg he was “quite surprised” to learn from Nguyen he not only played chess, but won games.
The professor concluded that Nguyen did so poorly in testing that he was “most likely…malingering”.
Recalled to the witness box, Mr Cummins said he would be “absolutely shocked” if Nguyen played a “sensible game of chess”, but denied Mr Champion’s suggestion his first report was misleading because he had suggested his IQ was about 70.
In his plea in mitigation, Mr Nikakis said Mr Nguyen, who has no prior convictions, helped the crop sitters but in the syndicate he was “not a general…a lieutenant at best”.
Asked by Justice Weinberg about the money and items found at his house, Mr Nikakis said his client could not prove where it all came from.
Mr Champion submitted the “highly exploitative” offending was aggravated because people illegally in Australia of low-education status were targeted as crop sitters, including some who were escapees from immigration detention, and those who controlled the operation “took advantage of a number of vulnerable offenders”.
After serving whatever jail term Justice Weinberg imposes on Monday, Nguyen will be deported.
– Steve Butcher


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CRIME-READING – HELLBOUND ON HIS TRAIL: THE STALKING OF MARTIN LUTHER KING, JR. AND THE INTERNATIONAL HUNT FOR HIS ASSASSIN

- Yale-trained historian Hampton Sides hails from Memphis. His father had worked on the MLK trial as a lawyer. So it’s no wonder that this fascinating book feels like a personal memoir, an intimate story from the writer. This book is the story of all the characters involved in the murder of Martin Luther King, their characteristics, their habits, their quirks. And, so typical of Hampton Sides, this book is thoroughly researched, well-written, and well-organized.

I was just a child in my single digits when MLK was assassinated. I read this book to learn more about the story. And what a story this is. Sides spoke with every witness, every neighbor of all the people in the book. He traveled thousands of miles to relive the towns and travel routes of the people in this book. He didn’t leave anything to the imagination.

And, typical of Sides, chapters are short and ideal for quick readings. Personalities switch often: starting with Eric Galt (James Early Ray) and his penchant for Mexican whores and cheap photographs, to nemisis J Edgar Hoover, President Lyndon Johnson, George Wallace and the man MLK himself (who lived quite a shameful life behind curtains), this book is laden with historical passages never before revealed.

Although we all know how the killing of MLK transpired, Sides does not take sides with anyone. No character in this book is herofied. What the reader experiences is the rising backfrop to the actual focus of this book: the hunt for James Earl Ray. Out of the 400 pages of this book, the first 164 take place before the MLK assassination.

We learn about the distrust J Edgar Hoover had toward MLK. We read about James Earl Ray’s shyness, Johnson’s rudeness and George Wallace’s resoluteness. The reader finally finishes this book not completely wanting to take just one side anymore, but none.

I highly recommend this book for history fans, people fascinated with FBI history and its people, social history of the 1960s and admirers of MLK. It’s a hard book to put down once you get started, so happy reading. Your mind will thank you for the intellectual insight.


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MASSIVE POLICE MANHUNT FOR SACKED COP AFTER MURDER SPREE

February 7 2013

- Heavily-armed LA cops launched their biggest ever manhunt today – for one of their own who turned rogue killer.

Thousands of officers were hunting for weapons-strapped sacked officer Chris Dorner who vowed to wage “warfare” on his former comrades in a rambling “manifesto” written after he was sacked by the force.

LAPD chiefs believe the “man mountain” is behind three murders and ordered more than 40 protection squads to his next possible targets – including their own police chiefs and Dorner’s former patrol officers.

San Diego naval base was also on lockdown fearing the ex- naval reserve officer could target sailors.

Motorbike cops were also pulled from the streets because of fears they would be an easy target for Dorner, known to be carrying assaults rifles and other weapons..

The search for the 33-year-old, who was fired in 2008 for making false statements, began after he was linked to the weekend killing of the daughter of a former police captain who had represented him during his disciplinary hearing.

Authorities believe Dorner also opened fire today on police east of Los Angeles, killing an officer and wounding another.

Detectives said military-trained Dorner implicated himself in the killings with the multi-page manifesto.

In it, he wrote: “I will bring unconventional and asymmetrical warfare to those in LAPD uniform whether on or off duty.

“Unfortunately, I will not be alive to see my name cleared. That’s what this is about, my name. A man is nothing without his name.”

In a Facebook post, the ex-cop wrote that he knew he would be vilified but said: “Unfortunately, this is a necessary evil that I do not enjoy but must partake and complete for substantial change to occur within the LAPD and reclaim my name”.

Dorner’s LAPD badge and an ID were found near San Diego airport and handed to police early yesterday.

LAPD Commander Andrew Smith said: “We’re asking our officers to be extraordinarily cautious just as we’re asking the public to be extraordinarily cautious with this guy.

“He’s already demonstrated he has a propensity for shooting innocent people.”

Dorner is wanted for the killings of Monica Quan and her fiance, Keith Lawrence, who were shot in their car on Sunday night.

Ms Quan’s father, a former LAPD captain who became a lawyer in retirement, represented Dorner in front of the Board of Rights, a tribunal that ruled against him when he was sacked.

As well as those next on his hit-list, Dorner’s multi-page manifesto included goodbye and good luck messages to his favourite film and sports stars.

He wrote:

Christoph Waltz : Christopher Walz, you impressed me in Inglorious Basterds. After viewing Django Unchained, I was sold. I have come to the conclusion that you are well on your way to becoming one of the greats if not already and show glimpses of Daniel Day Lewis and Morgan Freeman-esque type qualities of greatness. Trust me when I say that you will be one of the greatest ever.

Anthony Bourdain : Anthony Bourdain, you’re a modern renaissance man who epitomizes the saying “too cool for school”.

Larry David : Larry David, I agree. 72-82 degrees is way to hot in a residence. 68 , degrees is perfect.

Ellen DeGeneres : Ellen Degeneres, continue your excellent contribution to entertaining America and bringing the human factor to entertainment. You changed the perception of your gay community and how we as Americans view the LGBT community. I congratulate you on your success and opening my eyes as a young adult, and my generation to the fact that you are know different from us other than who you choose to love. Oh, and you Prop 8 supporters, why the f*ck do you care who your neighbor marries. Hypocritical pieces of sh*t.

Charlie Sheen : Charlie Sheen, you’re effin awesome.

Tennis ace Serena Williams, songsters Kelly Clarkson and Nora Jones and Brit actress Kate Winslet also got mentions in a group labelled “the most beautiful women on this planet”, with Dorner advising them: “Never settle, professionally or personally”.

- Ben Rossington


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MANHUNT FOR COP KILLER LARGEST IN CANADIAN POLICE HISTORY

June 5 2014

- Wednesday night, the 140-or-so officers of Codiac RCMP had barely received news that three of their own were dead before they needed to mobilize for one of the most nightmare scenarios of any police force: A heavily armed suspect hiding in a large wooded area and itching for a showdown.

“If you’re searching a wooded area for a suspect armed with a rifle, it’s extremely dangerous and extremely challenging,” said Sgt. Bret Pagnucco, an Edmonton-based representative with the National Tactical Officer’s Association. “It becomes basically much like a military operation.”

What would soon become one of Canada’s largest police operations began just after 7:30 p.m. as officers blocked roads and pathways to isolate a section of north Moncton roughly 2000 hectares in size, and laced with forested areas and suburban cul-de-sacs.

After reportedly evacuating what they could, officers instructed residents to lock their doors, leave their exterior lights on and refrain from broadcasting police movements on social media.

“Containment is really important at the onset,” said Tom Hart, president of Canadian Critical Incident Inc. and a retired member of the Durham Regional Police. “Why he hasn’t surfaced yet is surprising: Either he’s setting up for another ambush or he’s committed suicide.”

Canadian murder suspects will regularly melt into the city or countryside without spurring city-wide paramilitary searches, but the case of Justin Bourque was immediately different.

Witnesses described the sickening nonchalance with which he shot his three victims, and a “subject assessment” by RCMP would have soon determined that they were dealing with a man bent on making a statement.

“I would anticipate that this person is looking forward to some type of interaction with the police, as opposed to just trying to blend in with the community,” said Mark Lomax, the Pennsylvania-based director of the National Tactical Officer’s Association.

After analyzing the terrain of the search area, Jim Van Allen, a B.C.-based profiler with Investigative Solutions Network Inc., said, “he can pop in and out at his pleasure when he has an opportunity to do so.”

“He doesn’t appear to be willing to take on a SWAT team; he’ll be looking for a lone officer at a checkpoint or somebody in a patrol car,” he said.

As soon as news as the triple fatality arrived, upper echelons of the RCMP would have immediately begun summoning in personnel and equipment from across the country.

Within hours of the manhunt beginning, Moncton was swarmed with K9 units, police snipers, bomb disposal equipment and dozens of police cruisers, all managed by a team of incident commanders talking across numerous radio frequencies, both encrypted and un-encrypted.

Brinks trucks were commandeered to move officers around the cordoned-off zone, and the streets soon rumbled with a state-of-the-art armoured personnel carrier first rolled out by the RCMP in 2012.

Overhead, residents reported the constant buzzing of helicopters and fixed wing aircraft. As night fell, these would have been using infrared scanners to comb the darkness for the warm outlines of human figures.

As of Thursday evening, officers and equipment were still reportedly streaming in from as far away as British Columbia.

Moncton has not had a homicide since 2010, and in 159 years of policing, only one person has ever been killed in Moncton by a police shooting. Nevertheless, the 140,000-strong Greater Moncton area is not immune to nation-stunning acts violence.

In 1974, Moncton was the site of one of the most brutal police murders in Canadian history when two kidnappers drove city police officers Cpl. Aurele Bourgeois and Const. Michael O’Leary to a wooded area, forced them into shallow graves, and shot them in the head.

For now, the sense of trauma may not have fully set in, said Robin S. Cox, head of the Disaster and Emergency Management program at Royal Roads University.

“Because the incident is ongoing, it would be my guess that many if not most of those involved are still in response mode. They will be focused on tracking down the shooter and getting the job done,” she wrote in an email to the National Post. “Being active, and feeling as though one is doing something can mitigate some of the sense of helplessness and loss associated with trauma.”

“For police and other first responders there is often a strong sense of camaraderie and bonding in the face of the dangerous jobs they do and this will be even more evident at times such as this.”

And once the search is over, Mounties will still need to attend to the original crime scene; a section of suburban street splashed with blood and containing at least two bullet-riddled police vehicles.

“This is one of the worst cases I’ve heard of, and I’ve been involved in police shootings,” said Mr. Hart. “The anxiety level of members on the ground is something that will be very difficult to manage, but they’re professionals.”

- Tristin Hopper


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BOSTON MARATHON MANHUNT PROVES TWITTER IS KILLING “OLD MEDIA”

April 19 2013

- We should caution…

We need to be careful now…

This hasn’t been confirmed…

We’re hearing reports…

Sources are telling us, but…

If you were to add up the number of reports that started this way throughout the week—particularly since some media outlets (New York Post, Boston Globe, AP, CNN, FOX) were incorrectly reporting an arrest on Wednesday in the Boston Terror attacks—you’d be using commas in the total amount by now. And as a media observer and columnist, it’s nothing short of fascinating to watch television news falling over themselves in their caution.

But the press has made plenty of mistakes in big spots before, so what’s different this time around?

Social media, that’s what. Especially Twitter. Its users have pounded the aforementioned outlets on the arrest-that-never-happened-scenario, and you can just see the effect being felt in the papers and on the tube. All are acting and looking so afraid to make a mistake.

Jon Stewart body slammed CNN’s John King, while Megyn Kelly also got roughed up in the Twitterverse. AP and the Boston Globe, since they’re basically faceless entities, got off relatively easy, but still felt some body blows. All would later be forced to walk back their statements after the FBI refuted them, but all also got a case of the Fonzies in the process.

Fonzies as in Arthur Fonzarelli, the iconic mechanic/player/Uncle of Chachi/Owner of the New Arnold’s who ruled fictitious Milwaukee back in the late 50s and early 60s. The Fonz never didn’t get the girl, hardly ever made a mistake (successfully jumping 14 garbage cans on a motorcycle in Season 3 and a shark in Season 5). But in the rare occasions Fonzarelli did screw up, he couldn’t physically say the words, “I’m sorry,” or “I was wrong.”

Same goes for news outlets when they make a (gasp) mistake in the heat of battle to be first (an increasingly difficult race to win considering social media and newspapers’ ability to update stories on the fly). A simple, “Sorry, we made a mistake.” Or…”We got it wrong, folks,” is about as rare as seeing the Fonz without a leather jacket and/or t-shirt. On a side note, it’s tough to absorb seeing Henry Winkler (in his non-Fonz, wimpy voice) doing commercials on cable news for reverse mortgages…

Back to the biggest story of the decade–what transpired Friday morning in the Boston terror attacks manhunt, complete with bombs being tossed during car chases and shootouts with police–was a preview of how huge, unexpected events will be absorbed in the future. Know this: There are now six big news networks.

CBS
NBC
ABC
CNN
FOX
Twitter

Here’s how my early morning went on Friday:

Couldn’t sleep around 2:00 AM. Rolled over and checked my phone to see who won the Yankee game (originally fell asleep in extra innings). Yanks lose. Randomly go over to Facebook, where one friend simply puts on his status: “Looks like we got ‘em.” It’s obvious what he means and I’m tempted to turn on the TV, but too lazy to go out to the living room, so I turn to Twitter.

From there, three hours go by as fast as three minutes. The page can’t be refreshed fast enough. If 30 seconds goes by without a new update from someone, the internet connection is briefly questioned.

Periodically, I turn to CNN (on my iPad with headphones) to see what they’re reporting. When juxtaposed against the Twitter rush of information—primarily via police scanners and YouTube video of shootouts downloaded minutes after they occur—it’s hard not to notice how slow television reporting can feel. It’s one anchor, one guest, one shot, and that feeling you get when waiting for a table at a crowded restaurant.

On Twitter, it’s dozens of voices, dozens of perspectives, almost simultaneously. And what made the Friday morning chase sequence so gripping was that it occurred at such a time (2:00 AM) that the usually-overexposed and oftentimes-annoying people I follow were mostly all asleep, thereby allowing a guy like Seth Mnookin to stand out like the North Star for all of us out looking for a reliable guide.

Mnookin—a writing Professor in MIT’s grad program—was as close to embedded as it gets. Here’s a few examples from Friday morning and the incredibly vivid picture the 40-year-old was reporting in dozens of tweets in the early morning hours in real time:

“Air support called in. (Police) Scanner traffic has explosives strapped to suspect; did not see that here.”

“When I got here, police were asking to use my phone to navigate neighborhood. Two mins later, told in no uncertain terms to leave area.”

“Reporter next to me just said on phone ‘Smell of gunpowder is overwhelming.’ There is absolutely no smell of gunpowder.”

“Please note: I’m at a live, chaotic, rapidly changing scene. Details evolving.”

“‘Civilians are cleared out of house. All officers be aware long guns were used. I want cover!’”

“My night: reporting on what was in front of me…until news producers realized what I was doing. Then spent hrs talking to them. Blech.”

Of course, outside of Mnookin the Twitter reports were the usual unfounded speculation. One report that really had legs involved a missing Brown University student Sunli Tripathi, who many were convinced was the “white hat” suspect due to a decent resemblance. That angle was put to rest after an official press conference released the names of the Chechen brothers responsible for killing three and injuring 170 at the Boston Marathon.

So while the networks were being cautious, careful, all petrified to make another mistake and get their already-fragile egos pulverized on social media, Twitter was the Wild West. A free-for-all only kept in check by the likes of Seth Mnookin, the Pete Williams of new media.

When Sandy hit Hoboken and water was rising around my evacuated ground-level apartment in an area that quickly was turning into Venice, TV couldn’t get me news fast enough, or more importantly, local enough.

Neither could the radio.

But Twitter, accurate or not, kept me completely immersed.

Just as it did during the most riveting night of news in the history of social media.

And if it got a few things wrong?

Well, it’s just Twitter after all.

The Fonzie of social media…

Never having to say it’s sorry…

- Joe Concha


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CRIME READING REVIEW – GAYLE BRANDEIS ON DESERT RECKONING: A TOWN SHERIFF, A MOJAVE HERMIT, AND THE BIGGEST MANHUNT IN MODERN CALIFORNIA HISTORY

August 19 2012

- Fear Not: On the Biggest Manhunt in California History

ON AUGUST 2, 2003, Deputy Sheriff Steve Sorensen drove onto the property of desert hermit Don Kueck in a remote corner of the Antelope Valley. It is unclear exactly why Sorenson, a desert beat cop and former surfer from Manhattan Beach, decided to pay Kueck, a brilliant but disturbed self-taught rocket scientist, a visit. It is unclear, too, whether he knew that he was entering the property of a man he had pulled over for reckless driving a few years earlier, a man who had gone on to write complaints about Sorenson to everyone from the LA County Sheriff to the FBI. Whatever the circumstances, Kueck, who had become progressively more unhinged since the fatal overdose of his son — a magnetic punk kid from Riverside who had changed his name to Jello — came at Sorensen with his Daewoo automatic rifle, blasted the Sheriff with several rounds, tied his body to the bumper of his Dodge Dart, and dumped his brains in a bucket. Kueck then disappeared into the desert as if he never existed, leading to an intense week-long manhunt that ended in a near-biblical wall of fire.

Deanne Stillman’s Desert Reckoning: A Town Sheriff, a Mojave Hermit, and the Biggest Manhunt in Modern California History tells the story of these two complicated men, their deadly encounter, and the search that ensued. It also shares a larger story about the high Mojave and the people it attracts. The book grew out of Stillman’s acclaimed 2005 Rolling Stone article on the manhunt, and the depth of her inquiry seeps onto every page. Stillman crafts detailed, illuminating portraits of all the players and subcultures in the story, from the surprising fellowship between cops and nuns to the hardcore punk scene of the Inland Empire, and finds openings to drop into the fascinating history of the region, including the 1914 utopian, socialist, feminist community Llano del Rio, which now lies in ruins near Kueck’s trailer, and the creation of the Los Angeles Sheriff’s Department in the lawless mid-1800s, when LA was home to the highest murder rate of any city at any point in American history. Stillman’s lyrical prose brings the desert north of Los Angeles to life as “a terrain of savage dignity, a vast amphitheater of startling wonders” that is home to “a strange brew of loners, outlaws, ultralight pilots, people hunkered in compounds behind KKK signs, meth cookers and asthmatics, those who crave quiet, and serious desert freaks who work hard at blue-collar jobs and out here where land is cheap live like kings.”

This is not Stillman’s first foray into the dark side of the desert; her earlier book, Twentynine Palms: A True Story of Murder, Marines, and the Mojave, explores the murder of two young women at the hands of a Marine who had recently returned from the Gulf War. Both books delve into the violence and beauty that coexist in the Mojave; Desert Reckoning takes us even more deeply into the land itself, the off-the-grid world of hermits who blend right in to the stark and sprawling terrain. It is here that Don Kueck “pieced together his own desert utopia,” a place where he was able to “live like the animals and birds and trees had always lived, to dream uninterrupted.” For a brief — and even more briefly idyllic — time his son Jello stayed with him; they became “little boys again, running around in the open space, having deep talks, watching the stars, exploring the land, building things, and blowing them up” Eventually Don couldn’t handle the encroachment on his space, or the extent of Jello’s drug use, and kicked his son out. Soon Kueck’s hermitage was his alone again, his beloved land riddled with tunnels and jury-rigged contraptions made of desert flotsam. And books. Lots of books.

Most of the characters in Desert Reckoning are avid readers, their codes “deeply shaped by books.” Jello would often quote Henry Rollins, especially a passage from Rollins’s Pissing in the Gene Pool, in which he contemplates whether or not to kill a cockroach: “I thought about all the people who think of me the same way I think of this roach. All the people who see me as a filthy crawling piece of vermin that should be destroyed. Hah! The roach is my brother and long may he prosper!” Another book was amongst the few items Jello had with him when he died, and the suitcase he had left behind at his girlfriend’s house held a big book on outer space. After the manhunt, Bruce Chase, a member of the SWAT team that ambushed Kueck, reread his favorite author Louis L’Amour’s The Lonesome Gods, an outlaw tale set in the California desert. A local congregation had been reading an evangelical bestseller, This Present Darkness, “a suspenseful tale of spiritual warfare in a small town plagued by the never-ending duel between angels and demons,” in the months prior to Sorenson’s death. The heroes of the story are a preacher and a reporter, mirroring Sorenson’s two main allies in town:

With the arrival of Steve, the soon-to-become-epic battle of good and evil was validated by the novel; here was law enforcement coming to the rescue as if in answer to prayers, and together the three allies saw themselves as carrying the cross of goodness across a parched landscape of ill winds.

Books were especially meaningful to Kueck, a voracious reader, Stillman writes

While living in Llano, he had assembled an amazing library of works penned by some excellent writers, picking up the obscure and best-selling books and magazines and pamphlets at flea markets, or finding them strewn across the desert, nature’s very own, always-open, perpetual learning annex. The collection tells us that Don studied American history, war, weaponry, geology, living off the grid, space travel, time travel, the environment, inner dimensions, and aging [...]. But there was more than that [...] the knowledge and insight he gleaned from these works factor into his last days as a fugitive.

From his readings, Kueck extrapolated ways to elude capture —using the aqueduct as a means of escape, digging himself into the ground and covering himself with cardboard to avoid thermal imaging planes.

Stillman uses the books in Kueck’s library to commit her own escape act, slipping out of her skin into Kueck’s troubled, dreamlike point of view. She taps into his literary interests in shamanism and spirit communication (he tried regularly to contact his dead son) to envision his experience hiding in the desert, leading to some of the most compelling passages of the book. Here, he calls upon his animal friends:

And so here came Scorpion, who said ‘Stay stealthy’, and here came Bobcat, who advised that perhaps the time had come, but not without a fight, and then Raven came — and Don thought, Raven? Underground? You are indeed some bird, one helluva bird if I may say so, and I thank you for finding me in my hour of need — and the black creature with the chevron wings hopped on Don’s arm, as always, and then the hermit looked him in the eye and saw his own reflection and he looked so bad and gnarly that it scared him. “Fear not,” Raven said. “I will help you fly away.”

After she continues to imagine Kueck’s communion with the animals of the desert for several more lines, Stillman acknowledges in one short, self-deprecating paragraph, “Or maybe it did not happen like that at all.” Even so, she makes us believe that it could have.

Stillman doesn’t often insert herself directly into the narrative; when she does, the effect can be startling, as when she meets with Sheriff Lee Bacca, head of the Los Angeles Sheriff’s Department, and asks “Where is God in this story?” He isn’t taken aback by the question; “You know the answer,” he tells her, and fixes her with the most penetrating eye contact she’s ever experienced. Reading this book can feel like receiving the same shock of eye contact — you know you are in the presence of something large and unsettling.

It is clear Deanne Stillman has her own sacred connection to both the Mojave and her creative process; this shines through when she discusses the synchronicities that guided her during the research and writing of Desert Reckoning — the mustang (subject of her 2008 book, Mustang: The Saga of the Wild Horse in the American West) that led her to Sorenson’s house, the Snake Fountain she happened upon in Los Angeles that helped her bring the story full circle. She still leaves plenty of space for readers to make their own connections to the land and its people; I was surprised by how personal some of these connections were for me.

I live in Riverside, home to Kueck’s daughter and late son. The Riverside depicted in Stillman’s book is different from the Riverside I know — she explores the darker stories of my town, stories of addiction, abuse, abandonment — but I recognized many of the places she visits: the now-defunct punk club, Spanky’s; a downtown liquor store just a few blocks from my former house; and the Life Arts Building, where I realized, with a start, that I had intersected with one of the main players in this tragic story.

Several years ago, I visited the sprawling red brick building that once housed the YMCA to look into renting a studio to use as writing space. A charming fellow with a mohawk offered to show me around. He pointed out the studio where he lived; the side of a Jell-O box was tacked to the door. “That’s my name,” he told me with a flirtatious grin. I stole the detail for the novel I was in the process of writing — my mohawked character, Lime Boy, tapes part of a box of lime Jell-O next to his apartment buzzer. I ran into Jello a couple of times afterwards, and we smiled and said “Hey,” but I never thought about his life outside our brief meetings, never let myself imagine what sort of pain might be hiding behind his handsome punk facade. Deanne Stillman brought me straight into his world; it broke my heart to learn of his struggles and the grim circumstance of his death.

One of the greatest gifts of this book is how Deanne Stillman is able to open our hearts to people we might otherwise judge or dismiss. She never denies that Don Kueck committed a heinous act of murder, but she paints him as deeply human, capable of kindness and intelligence and an almost mystical connection to the landscape despite the demons that plagued him. Sorensen is clearly the “good guy” of the standoff, but he, too, is shown in a very human light; Stillman lets us see his jealous rages, his inability to take a joke, as well as his abiding desire to help people. She lets us marvel at the contradictions within each of these men, and the points of intersection between them — especially their shared love of animals and the Mojave, including their shared view of the Three Sisters Buttes, which she discovers when the new owner invites her inside Sorenson’s house, and his still intact home office:

I sat in his chair and gazed at the buttes, and imagined that quite possibly, on the very morning of their fateful encounter, both men might have contemplated those buttes and their splendor, for each loved every elemental aspect of the desert, especially as it became a new place with every infinitesimal turn of Earth’s axis and the ensuing shift in light, each perhaps raising a cup to his lips at the same time, savoring a favorite beverage, home-brewed or water from a spigot caught in cupped hands, and perhaps as the sun’s rays spilled across the holy vista before them, each was filled with gratitude and awe as they prepared to embark on their fateful day.

That is the ultimate effect of Desert Reckoning, as well; one can’t help but be filled with gratitude and awe toward Deanne Stillman — her clear eye, the depth of her research, her brave and compassionate imagination. She takes us on a journey as full of desolation and grandeur as the desert itself.

- Gayle Brandeis


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CHRISTOPHER DORNER MANHUNT

April 10 2013

- All that was left were footprints leading away from Christopher Dorner’s burned-out pickup truck, and enormous, snow-covered mountains where he could be hiding among hundreds of cabins, deep canyons and dense woods.

More than 100 officers, including SWAT teams, were driven Friday in glass-enclosed snow machines and armored personnel carriers to hunt for the former Los Angeles police officer suspected of going on a deadly rampage to get back at those he blamed for ending his police career.

With bloodhounds in tow, officers went door to door as snow fell, aware to the reality they could be walking into a trap set by the well-trained former Navy reservist who knows their tactics and strategies as well as they do.

“He can be behind every tree,” said T. Gregory Hall, a retired tactical supervisor for a special emergency response team for the Pennsylvania State Police. “He can try to draw them into an ambush area where he backtracks.”

As authorities weathered heavy snow and freezing temperatures in the mountains, thousands of heavily armed police remained on the lookout throughout California, Nevada, Arizona and northern Mexico for a suspect bent on revenge and willing to die.

Police said officers still were guarding more than 40 people mentioned as targets in a rant they said Dorner posted on Facebook. He vowed to use “every bit of small arms training, demolition, ordnance and survival training I’ve been given” to bring “warfare” to the LAPD and its families.

At noon, police and U.S. marshals accompanied by computer forensics specialists used a search warrant to remove about 10 paper grocery bags of evidence from his mother’s single-story house in the Orange County city of La Palma. Dorner’s mother and sister cooperated with the search, a police spokesman said.

The manhunt had Southern California residents on edge. Unconfirmed sightings were reported near Barstow, about 60 miles north of the mountain search, and in downtown Los Angeles.

Some law enforcement officials said he appeared to be everywhere and nowhere, and speculated that he was trying to spread out their resources.

For the time being, their focus was on the mountains 80 miles east of Los Angeles – a snowy wilderness, filled with thick forests and jagged peaks, that creates peril as much for Dorner as the officers hunting him. Bad weather grounded helicopters with heat-sensing technology.

After the discovery of his truck Thursday afternoon, SWAT teams in camouflage started scouring the mountains.

As officers worked through the night, a storm blew in, possibly covering tracks that had led them away from his truck but offering the possibility of a fresh trail to follow.

“The snow is great for tracking folks as well as looking at each individual cabin to see if there’s any signs of forced entry,” San Bernardino County Sheriff John McMahon said.

The small army hunting him has the advantage of strength in numbers and access to resources, such as special weapons, to bring him in.

In his online rant, Dorner baited authorities.

“Any threat assessments you generate will be useless,” it read. “I have the strength and benefits of being unpredictable, unconventional, and unforgiving.”

Without the numbers that authorities have, Dorner holds one advantage: the element of surprise.

Authorities said they do not know how long Dorner had been planning the rampage or why he drove to the San Bernardino Mountains. Property records show his mother owns undeveloped land nearby, but a search of the area found no sign of him.

It was not clear if he had provisions, clothing or weapons stockpiled in the area. Even with training, days of cold and snow can be punishing.

“Unless he is an expert in living in the California mountains in this time of year, he is going to be hurting,” said former Navy SEAL Clint Sparks, who now works in tactical training and security. “Cold is a huge stress factor. … Not everybody is survivor-man.”

Jamie Usera, an attorney in Salem, Ore., who befriended Dorner when they were students and football teammates at Southern Utah University, said he introduced him to the outdoors. Originally from Alaska, Usera said, he taught Dorner about hunting and other outdoor activities.

“Of all the people I hung out with in college, he is the last guy I would have expected to be in this kind of situation,” Usera, who had lost touch with Dorner is recent years, told the Los Angeles Times.

Others saw Dorner differently. Court documents obtained by The Associated Press on Friday show an ex-girlfriend of Dorner’s called him “severely emotionally and mentally disturbed” after the two split in 2006.

Dorner served in the Navy, earning a rifle marksman ribbon and pistol expert medal. He was assigned to a naval undersea warfare unit and various aviation training units, according to military records. He took leave from the LAPD for a six-month deployment to Bahrain in 2006 and 2007.

Last Friday was his last day with the Navy and also the day CNN’s Anderson Cooper received a package that contained a note on it that read, in part, “I never lied.” A coin riddled with bullet holes that former Chief William Bratton gave out as a souvenir was also in the package.

Police said it was a sign of planning by Dorner before the killing began.

On Sunday, police say Dorner shot and killed a couple in a parking garage at their condominium in Irvine. The woman was the daughter of a retired police captain who had represented Dorner in the disciplinary proceedings that led to his firing.

Dorner wrote in his manifesto that he believed the retired captain had represented the interests of the department over his.

Hours after authorities identified Dorner as a suspect in the double murder, police believe Dorner shot and grazed an LAPD officer in Corona and then used a rifle to ambush two Riverside police officers early Thursday, killing one and seriously wounding the other.

The incident led police to believe he was armed with multiple weapons, including an assault-type rifle. That detail concerned officers whose bullet-proof vests can be penetrated by such high-powered weapons, said LAPD Deputy Chief Kirk Albanese.

As a result, all LAPD officers have been required to work in pairs to ensure “a greater likelihood of coming out on top if there is an ambush,” Albanese said. “We have no officers alone right now.”

In Big Bear Lake on Friday, residents were on edge about the manhunt even as ski slopes remained open.

“A lot of people are frightened by it,” said Dennis Pitner. “A lot of people are at home locked in their houses and probably won’t come out for a couple more days, maybe even longer.”

- Greg Risling & Tami Abdollah


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THE 102 HOUR POLICE MANHUNT

April 28 2013

- For five indelible days, the unthinkable became routine in Boston. And no one felt that more than the police and agents mounting the largest manhunt in regional history and parsing its most complex crime scene. It took a cast of thousands — also courage, sacrifice, teamwork, and luck — to crack the case. But they did it.

. . .

A quiet afternoon in his garden beckoned as Governor Deval Patrick left the finish line of the Boston Marathon. After crowning the men’s and women’s winners with wreaths of laurel, he headed home to Milton around 1 p.m., looking forward to working in the dirt.

Boston Police Commissioner Ed Davis stayed at the race until 1:30. He was watching runners cross the finish line, but also surveying security measures at America’s oldest and most famous road race, including teams of dogs and more than 1,000 uniformed officers and soldiers.

“Be vigilant,” Davis told them in parting as he headed home to Hyde Park, to join a conference call on gun control convened by Vice President Joe Biden.

It seemed like a perfect day. The Red Sox won at Fenway. A bright sun shone. A glorious holiday, when nothing could go wrong.

Hundreds of thousands of spectators lined the 26.2-mile course from Hopkinton to the Back Bay, many holding signs and offering cups of water to runners. In the city’s favorite rite of spring, they cheered on friends, loved ones, and strangers trailing far behind the clusters of elite athletes.

Few noticed the two young men, one in a black baseball cap, the other in a white hat turned backward, as they rounded the corner from Gloucester Street onto Boylston Street at 2:38 p.m. Each carried a bulky backpack. They strode toward the finish line where just a short time earlier the governor had hugged race organizers.

Along the way, they put down their bags, paused several minutes, and left the scene. Four days later, one of the men would be standing on a street in East Watertown, firing a gun at police, shouting, “You want more? I give you more!”

MONDAY, APRIL 15, 2:49 P.M.

The explosions

The Marathon clock, showing the time since the start of the race, flashed 4:09:43. Some 5,700 runners were still on the course. The time was 2:49 p.m. For one final instant, everything was normal.

Then, two explosions ripped through the sidelines of the race, 12 seconds and 214 yards apart, setting in motion a series of extraordinary, unthinkable, indelible events and triggering the largest manhunt in New England history. Thousands of law enforcement officers from dozens of agencies would respond before the end came four days later in a Watertown backyard, after a gunfight in the dead of night on a residential street and an unprecedented lockdown of an entire metropolitan area. Five people would die, 267 more would be injured. The city of Boston would be forever changed.

Boylston Street, which had been the site of Marathon revelry, was transformed into a crime scene within seconds after two bombs tore through the crowd around 2:50 p.m.

The army of law enforcement that converged at the site of the bombings — a 15-block swath in one of Boston’s most elegant neighborhoods, now the city’s largest-ever crime scene — faced forensic and tactical challenges new to almost all of them, or at least beyond their prior experience. It was a puzzle of unprecedented difficulty that began, literally, in thousands of broken, scattered pieces.

In more than 100 interviews with police, government officials, residents, and tourists who witnessed the week’s events, Globe reporters sought to reconstruct the actions of law enforcement agents between the April 15 bombing that killed three people on Boylston Street and the capture of Dzhokhar Tsarnaev seven miles away in Watertown on April 19 after his brother Tamerlan was killed, the conclusion of an epic 102-hour manhunt that left one police officer dead and another badly injured. The newspaper inquiry turned up scores of new details, fleshed out the hard questions law enforcement confronted along the way, and the harder decisions it was forced to make. It also helped put many previously reported elements in proper order and context. A maelstrom of information — some factual, some speculative, some flat out wrong — followed in the wake of the calamity, as it always does in times of tumult. This story aims to assemble what is known, and remains to be seen, in one consecutive account.

Minutes after the blasts, Davis, the police commissioner, got a call from Daniel P. Linskey, his superintendent in chief.

“I’m not sure what we got, boss,” Linskey told him, sirens wailing in the background, “but I think it’s bad. I’m hearing multiple amputations.”

With that, Davis said, he knew it was terrorism: “I started to operate on the premise it was an attack.”

Boston Police Superintendent William Evans was relaxing in a sauna at a South Boston health club, recovering from running the Marathon, when he got the call about the bombs. He ran home, donned his uniform, and commandeered a utility truck to get to work.

The governor was in his car when his daughter Katherine called him from the Back Bay.

Within 20 minutes of the blasts, Boylston Street had been cleared and the wounded had been evacuated.

“Dad, what happened?” she asked him. “I heard two big booms and people are running.”

Boston Fire Lieutenant Frederick Lorenz was walking back to the race route from Shaw’s Supermarket when he heard the explosions. When he saw crowds of people running from the scene, he set his container of hot soup on a wall and started running toward the blasts.

Told there might be an unexploded third bomb under the grandstand, District Fire Chief Dennis Keeley ordered two firefighters to get down on the ground and train their hoses on the spot, covering for the bomb squad in case another fiery blast came as they crawled in to find it.

Other firefighters knelt on the ground nearby with bleeding victims, grabbing belts from bystanders and cinching them tight around nearly severed limbs. “The ones who weren’t making the noise were the ones who needed help” the most, said Lorenz.

Many of the Marathon runners themselves stopped running and started helping victims. Natalie Stavas, a pediatric resident who had been running the race with her father, immediately came to the aid of a young woman bleeding profusely from a blown-open thigh.

“As soon as I saw the wound,” she said, “I began screaming that this woman needed to be sent to a hospital.” When paramedics took the injured woman away, Stavas ran about 30 feet down Boylston until she found another young woman to treat.

No one could know it then, but the week that began in a rush of chaos and horror would end Friday night as SWAT team members with submachine guns inched forward toward the blood-stained, tarp-covered boat where the younger Tsarnaev lay hiding. Millions of people watched spellbound, wondering how the saga would end. When it was over, with Tsarnaev in custody, they rushed, cheering, into the streets.

But the ultimate success of the investigators’ mission — the capture of the suspects, one alive and one dead — depended in equal parts on luck, the heroics of police and civilians, and the startling incompetence of the Tsarnaev brothers themselves. They may have figured out how to kill, but engineering a getaway seemed beyond them.

The siblings, in many ways, made it easy for investigators. Instead of fleeing the city in the chaotic aftermath, they stuck around, seemingly unconcerned that thousands of investigators were looking for them. It took three days for the FBI to cull and then release the crucial images of the suspects from thousands of hours of video. An hour before, Dzhokhar was still at his dorm at UMass Dartmouth.

Investigators mapped a grid and marked pieces of evidence at the site of the first blast.

Yet even with the seeming ineptitude of the suspected bombers, law enforcement officials didn’t know exactly who or where they were until Thursday night, after the Tsarnaevs allegedly began shooting at them in a quiet East Watertown neighborhood.

Acts of bravery were woven into the week’s fabric, from the carjacking victim who escaped from the terrorists when they stopped for gas to the Watertown police officer who faced off with Tamerlan Tsarnaev in a gunfight in the dead of night on Laurel Street, shooting at him from 12 feet away and then tackling him to the ground.

There were moments, too, that might have ended tragically but for a bolt of luck that struck when it was needed. When Watertown homeowner David Henneberry stood on a ladder and peered into his boat, the Slip Away II, noticing blood pooled inside, it was only fate or chance that the injured young man hidden there had no gun to shoot him.

From beginning to end, law enforcement efforts were hampered by confusion and misinformation, what some call the “fog of war” that envelops every emergency operation, especially one this large. Authorities first thought terrorists had also struck the JFK library in Dorchester. They battled rampant Internet rumors that labeled innocent people as suspects, and false reports in the media of an arrest. At one point on Friday, federal agents feared the younger bombing suspect had eluded their dragnet and fled to New Bedford, based on a mistaken report that his cellphone had been detected there.

In the 102 hours that passed between the bombings and the capture, law enforcement leaders faced difficult choices, about whether to release the photos of the subjects to the public, and when to lift the shelter-in-place order that transformed the city overnight into a ghost town.

And the decision-making started even before the smoke had cleared.

MONDAY, 2:55 P.M.

‘We’ve got amputations’

Police Commissioner Davis had just hung up the phone on his conference call with the White House when it rang again. It was his superintendent in chief, Dan Linskey. Davis could hear sirens in the background.

“We got two explosions,” Linskey said. “I don’t know if they’re electrical.”

Linskey, a fit officer with a shaved head, had been walking the Marathon route when the bombs exploded. As he headed back toward Kenmore Square, striding down busy Beacon Street from Audubon Circle, he heard another officer, detective sergeant Danny Keeler, screaming for help on his police radio.

Linskey could barely understand what Keeler was saying about two explosions at the finish line. But he heard the urgency in his voice and broke into a run on Beacon Street. In Kenmore Square, he leaped into another officer’s car and they barreled toward the crime scene, siren screaming, going the wrong way down the one-way street.

From the car, Linskey called his boss, who immediately figured out what was happening. As soon as Davis heard the word “amputations,” he said, he began to treat the episode as terrorism.

“A power station explosion wouldn’t cause that type of injury. That’s classic low-placement IED explosion,” Davis said.

Within five minutes, Davis said, as he tore down Turtle Pond Parkway back toward the heart of the city, he called Richard DesLauriers, agent in charge of the Boston office of the FBI.

“Rick, look, I don’t know what I’ve got,” Davis recalls telling the FBI chief, “but I have multiple explosions . . . I need to roll whatever SWAT teams you have available to Copley Square.”

“I’ll see you there,” DesLauriers told him. “I’ll get everything I can to you as quickly as I can.” It was the beginning of days of intense cooperation between local and federal agencies that sometimes turned fractious, but ended with state and city officials praising the FBI’s handling of the case.

Arriving at the scene and leaping from his vehicle, Linskey smelled gunpowder in the air. And he, too, knew then what they were dealing with: bombs.

The street was bloody chaos, a battleground. Bodies and body parts were strewn on the pavement, and victims covered with towels. We ran out of ambulances, Linskey remembers someone telling him. The street was littered with shrapnel, nails and ball bearings, and belongings dropped by fleeing spectators: cellphones and backpacks; duffel bags and handmade signs with runners’ names.

Arriving on Boylston, Davis was struck by the contrast, the dramatic transformation: “No one but uniforms at this place where I had just been with 100,000 people.”

He walked down the street to examine the blast sites. It was then, Davis says, that a driving sense of urgency kicked in, a feeling of danger and momentousness that added an intensity to every step that followed.

“I really believed . . . we had a terrorist on the run that we needed to capture as soon as possible,” said Davis

Fearing a third bomb, he moved quickly to lock down the area, pushing people and police back away from the bomb sites while specialized teams swept the sea of debris. It was not the only incorrect assumption of the day: For a time, Davis and others erroneously suggested a mysterious fire at the John F. Kennedy Presidential Library and Museum that broke out about the same time as the bombings was terror-related.

State and city police and emergency management leaders conferred and settled on the Westin Copley Place hotel for their command post; the Fairmont Copley Plaza had a function already set up in its ballroom. By 4 p.m., a dozen people gathered there around a single table including Davis, Colonel Tim Alben of the State Police, the FBI’s DesLauriers, US Attorney Carmen Ortiz, and District Attorney Daniel F. Conley. An hour later, the crowd had swelled to 100. And the officers kept coming: city, state, transit police; FBI; ATF. Ultimately, more than 20 law enforcement agencies would take part in the manhunt with more than 1,000 investigators working out of the third and fourth floors of the Westin alone.

They had to act quickly. Officials had initially activated the alternate Marathon route, but then ended the race to stem the flow of more than 5,000 remaining runners toward the bloody finish line. Still wary of further attacks, they began dispatching police to other sites around the city — Faneuil Hall, hospitals, train stations. As fear and confusion swept Boston, they knew they would field calls about suspicious people, packages, and bags.

Within minutes of establishing the command post at the Westin, Davis said, he issued the first order to collect video. Investigators, led by Boston Police Sergeant Detective Bill Perkins, began going after surveillance cameras from surrounding businesses. Senior officials began to gather.

One of them was Conley, the Suffolk DA, who had earlier been watching the race at Abe and Louie’s restaurant. He almost became physically ill when he realized how close he and his wife had been to the bombers — less than 50 feet.

“I had to pull myself together,” said Conley. “I could have rubbed elbows with the guy. Did I pass him? If my friend hadn’t said, ‘Are you ready to leave’ . . . I felt fortunate, and at the same time I felt sick for the loss of life.”

Mayor Thomas M. Menino, who just days before had undergone surgery for a broken leg, checked himself out of Brigham and Women’s Hospital, where many victims were taken, and made his way downtown to the command post, too. The mayor had already missed one of his favorite springtime duties — crowning one of the marathon winners — but he wasn’t going to stay sidelined during an attack on the city he has led for 20 years.

“The doctors said, ‘You shouldn’t be going,’ ” Menino recalled. “I said, ‘I don’t care what you say, doc. I’m going.”

Police first briefed the media soon after 5 p.m. An hour later, shortly after 6, President Obama addressed the nation, promising the “full resources” of the federal government.

“Today is a holiday in Massachusetts; Patriots Day,” he said. “It’s a day that celebrates the free and fiercely independent spirit that this great American city of Boston has reflected from the earliest days of our nation, and it’s a day that draws the world to Boston’s streets in a spirit of friendly competition. Boston is a tough and resilient town, and so are its people . . . The American people will say a prayer for Boston tonight.”

While Americans prayed, law enforcement analysts at FBI headquarters in Boston’s Center Plaza got to work reviewing the torrent of videotapes of Boylston Street that were streaming in from businesses and ordinary spectators alike. Eventually, more than 100 analysts were painstakingly reviewing thousands of hours of surveillance and amateur videotape for anything suspicious — anyone resembling a bomber about to strike.

By 8 or 9 p.m. Monday, federal agents were taking the reins of the investigation. It was a seamless, logical transition, said Patrick, and “there wasn’t any fussing about it.”

“One of the first things we did Monday night was get all these agency heads in a room and say, OK, who’s in charge,” said Patrick. “We need[ed] one agency in charge … The logical lead was the FBI and the Joint Terrorism Task Force.”

The governor reflected later on his first reaction, when his daughter called him in his car to ask about the bombings. Instinctively, Patrick had offered reassurance, telling her, “I’m sure it’s OK.”

“Because you want to believe it, right?” he said. “That it’s OK.”

But Patrick knew now that things were far from OK.

As the night wore on, and investigators descended on hospitals to question witnesses, more and more average Bostonians joined the expanding quest for the bombers.

Investigators frantically searched for video. Kiva Kuan Liu, a Boston University graduate student, had been filming footage for a documentary near where the first bomb exploded. She was summoned to Tufts Medical Center around 10 p.m. to be interviewed. In a sterile hospital meeting room, Liu said, four investigators grilled her. When her memory failed her, they persisted.

“They were very picky about details,” said Liu, 23, who was not injured in the blast. Liu volunteered her Panasonic video camera, which she had borrowed from BU, but insisted they give her a phone number so she could get it back later.

Meanwhile, the alleged bombers had quietly disappeared into the city. As surgeons tried to save scores of people, one or perhaps both of the brothers went shopping.

A grocery receipt recovered by police suggests that, shortly after the Marathon bombings, at least one of the brothers apparently bought groceries at a Whole Foods store in Cambridge, about a half-mile from their family home on Norfolk Street. A person with knowledge of the investigation said the FBI seized video surveillance equipment from the store on Prospect Street after finding a receipt in one of the brother’s pockets after Tamerlan was killed and Dzhokhar arrested.

Little is known about Tamerlan’s movements after the bombing, though neighbors said he spent a lot of time inside his apartment taking care of his 3-year-old daughter while his wife worked. But Dzhokhar, the suspect with the white hat on backward, was an open book.

A seemingly normal college kid in many ways — the 19-year-old UMass Dartmouth sophomore played soccer and liked to smoke pot, said his friends — Dzhokhar was also an active Twitter user, the popular online social media site.

Only hours after the bombings, he took to Twitter to comment on the tragedy, seeming as removed from the shattering events as any other college student watching from a distance.

“Ain’t no love in the heart of the city,” he wrote. “Stay safe people.”

His last Twitter message Monday night was opaque and serious.

“There are people that know the truth but stay silent,” Dzhokhar wrote at 12:34 a.m. Tuesday, “& there are people that speak the truth but we don’t hear them cuz they’re the minority.”

He would continue to stay silent. But the truth would soon emerge.

TUESDAY, 5:51 A.M.

Daylight and devastation

As a new day dawned on Boylston Street, the light revealed a tragic transformation in the heart of one of Boston’s liveliest and best-loved neighborhoods.

Within a 15-block zone shut down by police, hundreds of investigators had overtaken the street and sidewalks. Meticulously, stepping over broken glass and bloodstains, they documented the evidence, labeling every object of interest with a spray-painted orange number beside it before bagging it and transporting it to a warehouse in the Seaport district for analysis.

By early Tuesday, a memorial for the victims of the attacks began to form at Boylston and Berkeley streets.

With the same orange paint, they mapped a massive grid across the crime scene, dividing it into rectangular sectors: 2A directly in front of LensCrafters. 1A directly in front of the business next door. 2B and 1B closer to the street, and on and on across the pavement.

Chemists, explosive experts, and crime scene analysts — more than 30 in total from the ATF — continued combing the blast scene, where the moment of the explosions seemed frozen in time.

Spectators had left behind purses and homemade signs. Baby carriages were abandoned, and so were drinking glasses, some miraculously still half full.

“There were really thousands of pieces of evidence to look at,” one investigator said.

The blasts were so strong that some items, including the lid from a pressure cooker, were found on nearby roofs. Piecing together fragments, agents determined that the bombs were probably fashioned from pressure cookers, filled with nails and ball bearings to increase the carnage.

Overnight developments in the investigation fueled a rising tide of online rumors that would at times threaten to overwhelm police.

Authorities confirmed that late on Monday they had interviewed a Saudi national believed to be a student in Boston, and had searched an apartment building in Revere. The man, who was injured in the blast and admitted to the hospital, cooperated with the FBI and told agents he was not involved.

He would not be the only innocent person temporarily ensnared by an anxious public’s rush to judgment. Later in the week, the New York Post would splash on its front page a photo of two people later determined to have had nothing to do with the attack, under the inflammatory headline “Bag men.”

Rumors flew on Tuesday as residents’ mood remained jittery. Security fears disrupted two flights at Logan Airport. At the Cathedral of the Holy Cross in the South End, preparations were beginning for an interfaith prayer service where Obama planned to speak on Thursday.

Thousands of photographs and videos were pouring in from businesses, tourists, and residents. Investigators pored over the images, replaying them again and again and searching for people whose actions seemed out of synch with the crowd around them.

Officials spoke to the media at their command post, the Westin Copley Place hotel. Ultimately, 1,000 investigators would be based there.

It was a daunting task, performed with urgent energy.

“The sheer volume of stuff made it difficult to sort through,” said Alben, 53, the State Police colonel appointed last summer to oversee the state’s 2,300 troopers. But, he said, “we were very confident that there were enough cameras down there that we were going to capture something” that would lead to bombers.

As the investigators stared at their screens, people around the country were also glued to theirs. The youngest person killed by the bombers, 8-year-old Martin Richard of Dorchester, had been identified by 2 a.m. Tuesday.

Later that day, a photograph of the third-grader holding a homemade sign with the slogan “No more hurting people. Peace,” was ricocheting around the Internet, a poignant symbol of the city’s loss.

Two other families were also grieving. In Medford, the grandmother of 29-year-old Krystle Campbell struggled to come to terms with the loss of her good-natured, reliable caretaker, while the Boston University community would soon learn the third victim was Lu Lingzi, 23, a bubbly, hard-working graduate student who was ecstatic to be studying statistics in Boston.

Menino, Patrick, and Senator Elizabeth Warren visited the injured in the city’s hospitals Tuesday, while in the Ashmont section of Dorchester, young classmates of Richard filed somberly up the walkway of his house to leave flowers on the steps.

One of Richard’s alleged killers, meanwhile, was on a different sort of errand.

Around 12:30 p.m. Tuesday, Dzhokhar Tsarnaev showed up at Junior Auto Body shop on Columbia Street in Somerville, a short walk from the Tsarnaevs’ home on Norfolk Street on the Cambridge-Somerville line. He was there to pick up a white Mercedes-Benz he had left there two weeks earlier, a car he had said belonged to a girlfriend.

The car’s rear bumper wasn’t fixed yet. But Dzhokhar told the mechanic, Gilberto Junior, he would take it anyway.

“I need it now,” Dzhokhar said.

Normally the 19-year-old was relaxed and happy, chatting about soccer, smoking weed, and girls. But on the day after the bombing, Junior said, Dzhokhar appeared anxious. He was biting his nails, and his knees shook so much that Junior thought the kid had been “popping pills.”

“I wish I knew,” Junior said later, looking at his hands.

By Tuesday afternoon, Dzhokhar was back on campus at UMass Dartmouth, according to UMass Police Chief Emil R. Fioravanti. Card swipe records, videotape, and interviews with students show the 19-year-old sophomore spent time on campus between Tuesday and Thursday, said the chief.

At 9:05 p.m. on Tuesday, the college sophomore used his swipe card to enter the Fitness Center, a small room packed with free weights, weight machines, running machines, and flat-screen TVs. Outside the fitness center, Dzhokhar showed up for 5 or 10 seconds on a security camera.

He also posted more Twitter messages Tuesday, including one about a photo of a bombing victim. Internet rumors swirled about the injured woman in the picture, claiming her boyfriend had planned to propose, but found her dead.

Investigators combed through debris at the site of the second blast. A shredded backpack, a piece of the pressure-cooker bomb, and its electronic parts were found.

“Fake story,” Dzhokhar tweeted.

That night he also posted lyrics from a song by the rapper Eminem: “Nowadays everybody wanna talk like they got something to say but nothing comes out when they move their lips; just a bunch of gibberish.”

The suspect appeared to be resuming his normal life, unconcerned that he could be caught, working out at the gym instead of hiding or running.

“I’m a stress-free kind of guy,” he tweeted after midnight.

But back in Boston, investigators combing through hours of footage on Tuesday had begun to see a pattern among the various videos, their attention drawn especially to two young men walking east along Boylston Street in the 12 minutes before the explosions.

Neither seemed particularly worried about hiding their appearance — the man in the white hat even turned his cap around backward, giving the cameras a full shot of his profile. Suspect number 2, as he became known, talks nonchalantly on his cellphone, then scarcely reacts at all when the first bomb goes off.

When Alben, of the State Police, saw the results of the analysts’ work on Wednesday morning, he couldn’t believe it: they had captured an image of the young man in a white hat dropping a backpack outside the Forum restaurant and then walking away.

“There was a eureka moment . . . It was right there for you to see,” said the colonel. “It was quite clear to me we had a breakthrough in the case.”

WEDNESDAY

Pinning down identities

They had faces. Now they needed names.

Even after authorities isolated the images of the two suspected bombers, they weren’t able to pinpoint the suspects’ identities — an essential puzzle piece that was still missing Wednesday.

The FBI has poured millions of dollars into facial recognition technology over the years so it can quickly cross-check an image against millions of other pictures in government databases.

In this case, both brothers were already in existing government databases, including the Massachusetts Registry of Motor Vehicles and federal immigration records. They were legal immigrants from the former Soviet republic of Kyrgyzstan, in theory allowing the FBI to find their names.

But it’s not clear which databases the FBI checked. And it may not have mattered. The pictures, taken from surveillance cameras above street level, were likely far too grainy when zoomed in on the brothers’ faces. And the older brother was wearing sunglasses, making their task even harder.

In addition, unlike in a traditional mug shot, the camera wasn’t looking at their faces head-on.

Investigators worked feverishly Wednesday trying to identify the men, searching other photos and video, trying to find high-definition images.

“We still needed more clarity,” said Alben, of the State Police. “As good as the videos were, we needed more clarity.”

They continued hunting down new images. David Sapers, owner of the Boylston Street candy store Sugar Heaven, said he had called the FBI hot line on Tuesday to inform authorities that he had video. Wednesday morning, Homeland Security officers showed up and spent more than three hours reviewing the footage frame by frame with the store’s manager, said Sapers.

Colonel Alben, the State Police chief, briefed Patrick on Wednesday about the key piece of video showing Dzhokhar abandoning his backpack. Alben described the clip and showed the governor photographs culled from the footage, information that Patrick called “chilling.”

“We have a break,” Patrick remembers him saying. “We think we have a face.”

If further proof was needed that the city was on edge, the anxiety soon spilled over into view. By 1 p.m., news reports began surfacing that a suspect had been not only identified but arrested, and was headed to the federal courthouse. Hundreds of reporters and photographers descended on the Moakley courthouse in South Boston. The Coast Guard and Boston Police Department Harbor Patrol patrolled nearby waters.

Relying on information from a source familiar with the investigation, the Globe posted a report online for a short time Wednesday that a suspect was in custody and en route to federal court. The FBI later issued a statement denying the arrest.

Inside, courthouse staff members, including some from the US attorney’s office, flocked to the emergency magistrate’s courtroom, anticipating a hearing, based on breaking news reports from the Associated Press, CNN, and others.

Court staff began discussing whether they should move the hearing to a larger courtroom with more seating, and whether to provide a live, closed-circuit feed to yet another courtroom, in anticipation of an overflow crowd. Watching the drama unfold on live television, the US attorney’s office denied the reports of an arrest, and called court officials to tell them there would be no hearing.

But by then, word of the arrest turned into an avalanche of chaos, silenced only by the “code red” that was broadcast over the intercom at 3:01 p.m. The building’s management company had received a bomb threat, and the US Marshals Service ordered an evacuation. Outside, judges mixed with members of the public who had come to catch a glimpse of the commotion.

It was a code none of the lawyers had heard before, and none of them knew what it meant. But they could tell from the seriousness in the announcer’s voice that something was up.

“This was different; this was louder,” Boston-based lawyer Jonathan Shapiro thought as he descended seven flights of stairs to exit the building. Outside, seeing the patrol boats with machine guns and the crowd in the streets, he was struck by the oddness of the moment.

“I’ve never seen anything like it,” he said.

After a sweep by federal agents, the area was cleared at 4:41 p.m., and courthouse employees were allowed back in.

As the hours passed and the suspects’ identities remained elusive, pressure was mounting inside the command center, now at FBI headquarters across from City Hall.

A key question, with game-changing consequences, was bearing down on the men in charge: to release the photos to the public or to hold them close?

The wrong move could be deadly. But with the bombers still at large, they had to decide soon.

THURSDAY, 11 A.M.

Beginning to heal

Under soaring stone arches, in light filtered by stained glass, hundreds of residents sought comfort Thursday morning inside the Cathedral of the Holy Cross. Outside, bomb-sniffing dogs patrolled the streets, but inside there were words of encouragement and healing.

“That’s what you’ve taught us, Boston,” President Obama said at the interfaith service. “To persevere. To not grow weary. To not get faint. Even when it hurts. Even when our heart aches. We summon the strength . . . and we carry on. We finish the race.”

As investigators pored over a mountain of evidence, areas of Boston, such as City Hall Plaza, remained on high alert.

Investigators, too, had a race to finish. And it was almost time for the final sprint.

As the president traveled from the packed cathedral to the Boston hospitals where he sat with victims, Homeland Security Secretary Janet Napolitano became the first official to say publicly that there may be two suspects. She told the House Homeland Security Committee “there is some video that raised the question” of two men the FBI would like to interview in connection with the bombings. She did not share any details about the video.

In Boston, meanwhile, law enforcement leaders were debating their next step. State Police Chief Alben said FBI, Boston Police, and State Police leaders wrangled over whether to release the photos of the suspects. Everyone weighed in, but the final call was the feds’.

The potential payoff — a quick ID from a tipster — was huge, given that the bombers were still out there on the loose and could be plotting another attack. But the risks weighed heavily on them.

“There is a huge conundrum here that if you release the photos, if they haven’t fled the Boston area they are going to flee,” Alben said. “You would always prefer to identify them yourself. You always want to apprehend someone when you have control of the situation, not when someone has been tipped you’re coming through the door.”

Alben said investigators were also concerned that the media was publicizing video and photographs from the Marathon, wrongly identifying various people as suspects.

Still, Alben was worried about the decision to go public. “In my mind it was clear that even if someone [from the public] couldn’t identify them, [the suspects] would know we had them,” he said. “I was concerned they would flee the area or would go so far underground you never would be able to find them.”

At 2:50 pm on Thursday, the FBI announced on its website that it would hold a press briefing at 5 p.m.

THURSDAY, 4:02 P.M.

Anonymous no more

Sixty miles away at UMass Dartmouth, Dzhokhar Tsarnaev used his swipe card to enter his dorm at 4:02 p.m. He had one more hour of anonymity remaining.

It would be the last time he would use his card on campus.

The 19-year-old had already made what would be his last posting on Twitter, the previous day. He retweeted a message from a Saudi scholar, Mufti Ismail Menk: “Attitude can take away your beauty no matter how good looking you are, or it could enhance your beauty, making you adorable.”

After that, silence.

The FBI released images of the suspects, later identified as Dzhokhar and Tamerlan Tsarnaev. A night of lethal violence was to follow.

Dzhokhar had enjoyed three days of freedom since the bombings. But he and his brother Tamerlan had failed to prepare for what was coming, as if they had imagined investigators would never track them down.

Dzhokhar’s life as a “stress free kind of guy” who sold pot on the side to raise pocket money was about to end. By the time he arrived back in Cambridge sometime that night, his face would be known to millions, and tips about his identity would be pouring in to federal agents.

“For more than 100 years, the FBI has relied on the public to be its eyes and ears,” DesLauriers, the FBI agent in charge, told the nation at the 5 p.m. press conference. “With the media’s help, in an instant, these images will be delivered directly into the hands of millions around the world. We know the public will play a critical role in identifying and locating them.

“Somebody out there knows these individuals as friends, neighbors, co-workers, or family members of the suspects. Though it may be difficult, the nation is counting on those with information to come forward.

“No bit of information, no matter how small or seemingly inconsequential, is too small. Each piece moves us forward towards justice,” he said.

DesLauriers cautioned the public to be careful, and to consider the two men armed and “extremely dangerous.”

“No one should approach them,” he said. “No one should attempt to apprehend them except law enforcement.”

Back at UMass Dartmouth, Pamala Rolon returned from class and turned on the TV news Thursday night, where pictures of the bombing suspects flashed across the screen. One of them looked faintly like a guy she knew on campus.

“We made a joke, like, that could be Dzhokhar,” she said. “But then we thought it just couldn’t be him. Dzhokhar? Never.”

She wasn’t the only one to see Dzhokhar’s picture on TV and make a joke. One of his Twitter followers even sent him a copy of his image from the FBI pictures, writing, “Is this you? I didn’t know you went to the marathon!!!!”

The brothers’ sudden notoriety may have inspired their belated and desperate plan to escape to New York, where authorities now believe the brothers had drawn a bull’s-eye on their next target: Times Square, the fabled “Crossroads of the World.’’

But the brothers hadn’t set aside money or even a getaway car for the journey — they had to figure that the green Honda Civic Dzhokhar drove would soon be known to police. They were also seriously short on weapons — police recovered only one handgun and a BB gun that they could trace to the pair.

Their apparent hope of adding to that paltry firepower set them on a deadly collision course with Sean A. Collier, a genial police officer at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology.

Collier grew up in Wilmington with five siblings who say he was born to be a cop — and he was to begin a new job this summer with the Somerville Police Department.

“He came to see me a couple of months ago and he said, ‘Chief, I have a chance to get on the Somerville Police,” said MIT Police Chief John DiFava. “I said, ‘Sean, you owe me nothing. You’ve done a fine job for me. I would never stand in the way of someone trying to do better for themselves.’’

As the Tsarnaevs headed toward the MIT campus, Collier was on duty near Kendall Square in Cambridge and DiFava pulled his car next to Collier’s cruiser.

In the days after the Marathon bombings, the MIT chief had ordered additional security for the campus. And Collier, who began work on the MIT force in early 2012, was nearing the completion of his 3 to 11:15 p.m. shift.

About 9:30 p.m., Collier was on routine patrol. He was parked by the corner of Vassar and Main streets. It was a spot where motorists would sometimes take a chance, making an illegal shortcut through campus to avoid a red light.

“We ask patrols to sit there,’’ DiFava explained. It prevents the forbidden cut-throughs and it provides a high-profile presence for the MIT community.

What are you doing? the chief asked his young officer.

“Just making sure everybody behaves,’’ Collier told him.

The two men chatted easily for several minutes. And then DiFava pulled away.

The chief was home for perhaps a half hour when his phone rang. “It was the deputy chief,’’ DiFava said. “He said Sean Collier has been shot.’’

In the fog of what would become a deadly and dangerous night, there were initial reports that Collier had been responding to a disturbance. That turned out to be wrong.

What actually happened was more cold-blooded, authorities said. Police officials have called it an assassination, an execution.

Authorities say video from a surveillance camera shows the suspects approaching Collier’s car from the rear as he sat in his cruiser. Collier was shot five times, including twice in the head, officials said.

“He didn’t stand a chance,’’ DiFava said.

The two bombing suspects allegedly tried to steal Collier’s weapon, but they couldn’t unlock it.

“The retention holster does its job well, so perhaps they didn’t get the gun because of that holster,’’ the MIT chief said. “Maybe that’s what thwarted them from getting the gun, because the gun was not removed from the holster.’’

Authorities say it is not clear why the Tsarnaevs were at MIT or why they targeted Collier.

“We have all kinds of unanswered questions,’’ DiFava said.

Last week, the Somerville Police Department asked the city’s Board of Aldermen to honor Collier, appointing him posthumously to the city’s police force.

As tributes flooded in about Collier, including those from Biden, DiFava could scarcely utter words about his fallen officer.

“From the time I saw him to the time he was dead, it was probably about an hour,’’ DiFava said.

If the details of the attack were unspeakable, they proved to be useful weapons for the alleged terrorists.

“I just killed a policeman in Cambridge,’’ Tamerlan Tsarnaev told the man he would meet next as he waved a silver handgun at him.

THURSDAY, 11 P.M.

Carjacked

It was a cool spring night, and a 26-year-old entrepreneur from Cambridge had picked the perfect way to unwind: take his new $50,000 Mercedes-Benz out for a spin.

As he drove his spacious 2013 black SUV toward Boston, the man — a Chinese immigrant who asked to be identified only by his American nickname, Danny — noticed a swarm of police cars with flashing blue lights near the MIT campus.

After a short drive across the river, Danny, who earned a master’s degree from Northeastern University last year and is trained as an engineer, pulled his car to the curb on Brighton Avenue to answer a text message.

Suddenly, an old sedan swerved behind him and slammed to a stop. A thin young man in dark clothes got out, approached the passenger window, and rapped on the glass. Danny lowered the window.

The man reached an arm through, unlocked the door, climbed in, and pointed a handgun.

MIT Police Officer Sean Collier was shot to death late Thursday near the school in Cambridge. The alleged bombers were suspected.

He demanded cash, and made it all too clear this wasn’t a joke.

“You know about the Boston Marathon bombing? I did that,” Tamerlan said. “Don’t be stupid.’’

What followed was a harrowing 75 minutes during which 26-year-old Tamerlan Tsarnaev — soon joined in the car by his brother Dzhokhar — forced Danny on a circuitous journey through Brighton, Watertown, and back to Cambridge.

The brothers wanted more cash than the $45 that Danny had and they talked about driving to New York. Otherwise, their intentions were unclear. The odyssey took on a surreal tone. The brothers marveled at the features of the Mercedes-Benz, popped in a CD of what sounded like Middle Eastern religious music, and talked about credit limits for students.

Through it all, Danny feared they would kill him if he made one misstep. He frantically thought about how to escape. And he prayed.

They lapped Brighton and crossed the Charles River into Watertown, following Arsenal Street. Opening Danny’s wallet, Tamerlan asked for his ATM code.

Then he instructed Danny to pull over on a side street in East Watertown. A Honda Civic sedan that Danny had noticed following him stopped behind the Mercedes. A younger man approached – the shaggy-haired “Suspect No. 2’’ in the photos and videos released by authorities just hours earlier. Tamerlan got out, ordered Danny into the front passenger seat, and warned him that if he tried anything he would shoot him. For several minutes, the brothers moved heavy objects from the smaller car into Danny’s SUV; Danny figured it was luggage.

Tamerlan took the wheel and his brother got in the back seat, leaving the Honda behind. Danny looked at the younger man and recognized Dzhokhar from the FBI images.

“I saw his face because he had a clear picture,’’ Danny said. “I was 100 percent sure that he was really similar to that guy.’’

At one point, Danny asked Tamerlan, “Are you going to hurt me?’’

“I’m not going to hurt you,’’ he replied. “We’re just going to drop you off. . . . Probably you’ll have to walk 4 or 5 miles to find anybody, and if you are lucky, somebody will pick you up.’’

The Mercedes stopped in front of a Bank of America ATM in Watertown Center. The younger brother got out and withdrew an estimated $800. Danny debated bolting from the Mercedes. He implored the older man to let him unbuckle his seatbelt and put on a jacket in the back seat because he was cold.

“This is a good time to run,’’ he thought. “But it was just so tough.’’

As religious music blared over the stereo, Danny received a text message from his roommate just before midnight. Tamerlan demanded to know who was texting and what was she saying.

He grabbed the phone and used an English-to-Chinese app to text a response that Danny was sick and sleeping at a friend’s house. The message was riddled with grammatical errors. His roommate, alarmed, texted again.

Seconds later, at 12:03 a.m., the roommate’s boyfriend called. Tamerlan was furious.

He took out the silver gun and pointed it at Danny.

“Answer it,” ordered Tamerlan. “If you say a single word in Chinese, I will kill you right now.”

Danny pleaded and prayed. He asked Tamerlan precisely what to tell his friend so that he didn’t make a mistake.

“Where are you?” his roommate asked in Mandarin.

“I’m gonna sleep in my friend’s place tonight,” Danny replied in English as he stared at the gun. “I’m sorry I have to go.”

Tamerlan congratulated him on a job well done.

Tamerlan drove down Soldiers Field Road, passed Harvard Business School, turned left on a bridge in front of the Doubletree Hotel, and then another left into the Shell Station on Memorial Drive to buy gas.

“Maybe I have a chance,” Danny thought. “It’s my last chance to get out.”

Tamerlan pulled up the car with the gas pumps on the right, next to Danny. Dzhokhar got out with Danny’s credit card to pay for the gas.

It was around 12:15, an hour and a half since he was abducted. Danny realized it was a critical moment: The doors were unlocked. Dzhokhar was in the store. The gun was tucked in the driver’s side door. And Tamerlan was distracted, struggling with the GPS device he had brought with him on the carjacking.

“I was thinking I must do two things: unfasten my seatbelt and open the door and jump out as quick as I can. If I didn’t make it, he would kill me right out, he would kill me right away,” Danny said.

Tamerlan tried to grab his jacket. But Danny slammed the door, leaving his phone in the vehicle. He ran behind the SUV at an angle to avoid potential gunshots. “F—!” Tamerlan screamed as Danny darted across River Street to a Mobil Station that had the lights on.

In the instant that Danny sprinted to freedom and toward a 911 telephone call, the brothers were now fully exposed.

They were driving a stolen vehicle.

They were the most wanted men in New England.

And as they roared out of Shell’s parking lot and onto Memorial Drive, they pointed the black Mercedes toward Watertown.

FRIDAY, 12:44 A.M.

Shoot-out in Watertown

Watertown Police Officer Joseph Reynolds’s midnight to 8 a.m. shift had barely begun when police frequencies erupted with news of abduction and mayhem next door in Cambridge.

“Wanted for carjacking that occurred in Cambridge, possibly related to the Cambridge incident,” said the State Police dispatcher, referring to the shooting at MIT. “Middle Eastern males, the victim stated they both had handguns … during the conversation, the victim gathered they were possibly heading to New York City.”

A report of a carjacking by the suspects led to a gunfight early Friday in Watertown. Transit Police Officer Richard Donohue Jr. was wounded in the shootout.

In fact, the black SUV stolen by the Tsarnaev brothers was nowhere near New York City. The global positioning system on the vehicle, which emitted tiny traceable electronic signals, showed that the Mercedes was less than 5 miles from their apartment – and heading Reynolds’s way.

At 12:42 a.m., Watertown’s dispatcher warned: “Okay, the vehicle is now in Watertown, units, in the area of 89 Dexter,” part of a slumbering neighborhood of tidy houses and duplexes whose residents proudly decorate their homes with flower boxes. A lot of Watertown was like that — a small town where many of the police officers never fired their guns outside of the practice range.

“I’m right behind that vehicle,” Reynolds replied.

The patrol supervisor, Sergeant John MacLellan, advised caution. “Don’t stop the car until I get there,’’ he told Reynolds, according to Watertown Police Captain Raymond Dupuis. “Wait for help to come.’’

But there was no time. The SUV took a sudden left turn from Dexter Avenue onto Laurel Street and came to an abrupt stop — right behind a second vehicle, the green Honda Civic that Dzhokhar Tsarnaev had retrieved moments earlier. As Reynolds watched, one brother emerged from each car.

“The suspects get out and start shooting at Joe Reynolds,’’ said Dupuis.

The next four minutes may go down as the longest in Watertown history, as the two sides fired more than 250 bullets all told and the brothers hurled bombs, filling the night air with the stench of sulfur. When the smoke cleared, one bomber was dead, a police officer had been gravely wounded, houses were pockmarked with bullet holes and shrapnel, and an entire community was traumatized.

Officers who had been guarding the crime scene at MIT sped off to join the fight as soon as the Watertown dispatcher said, “Shots fired, all units respond.” Flashing blue and white lights of dozens of cruisers lit up the night as they converged on the bridges leading from Boston to Cambridge.

“There are [expletive] bombs, they’ve got [expletive] IEDs,” shouted one FBI agent as he ran through East Watertown toward the shoot-out. “Everyone get your [expletive] phones off. No phones. They’ve got IEDs,” referring to improvised explosive devices.

When the shooting started, Reynolds jammed his cruiser into reverse, trying to gain distance between him and his attackers. Moments later, help arrived as shift supervisor MacLellan rounded a corner in his black-and-white Ford Expedition and immediately had a bullet graze his front windshield.

The patrol supervisor jumped out of his car and took cover behind a tree at the corner of Dexter Avenue and Laurel Street. The Tsarnaevs, using the SUV now as a shield, continued to fire.

By now, Laurel Street slumbered no more, though at least one resident thought the growing commotion was caused by children playing with firecrackers.

“Get the hell out of here and go to your own neighborhood,” Peter Kehayias yelled out the window of his two-family house.

“Get inside and shut your window,” an officer commanded loudly.

Then the police officer screamed at the young men standing in the street, “Give up! There’s no way out! Give up!” as Kehayias and his wife, Loretta, watched.

Tamerlan Tsarnaev, standing in front of the black Mercedes SUV parked in the middle of the street, brazenly taunted: “You want more? I give you more.”

The doors of the SUV were wide open as Dzhokhar reloaded the pistol and handed it to Tamerlan, Kehayias said. Dzhokhar then reached inside for a duffel bag.

Loretta Kehayias, a special education teacher in Cambridge, picked up the phone and called 911: “Do you people realize I believe there is a cop out here and there are two guys? . . . They’re shooting at him.”

The reply was instant: “Yes we know, lady.” Click.

MacLellan returned to the Expedition, put it in neutral, and exploited the gentle incline of the street to push the vehicle toward the brothers, strobe lights on frenetic flash. He wanted the gunmen to think he was still in the Expedition so if the siblings fired at it, he might see them and get a clear shot.

More help arrived. Officer Miguel Colon, who joined the force with Reynolds in 2006, came around a corner and drew instant fire, one round shattering the spotlight on his cruiser.

As the Expedition rolled past her house, Lizzy Floyd crouched with her husband beneath a bedroom window on the second floor of their home, witnessing the startling bursts of gunfire and something more alarming. Floyd felt the neighborhood shake as the young men threw what appeared to be pipe bombs.

“We have them pinned down and they’re throwing explosives at us,” an officer reported, according to recordings of the scanner traffic that night.

At one point, Dzhokhar allegedly pulled out another pressure cooker bomb — like the ones they allegedly set off at the Marathon — and hurled it toward the police. The explosion created an instant bright yellow flash that turned the midnight darkness to day and knocked a framed photograph of a New Hampshire harborside off Floyd’s shelf.

One of the officers rushing to join the fight was Watertown Sergeant Jeffrey Pugliese, a 33-year veteran and a trained firearms instructor. His arrival would turn the tide.

Pugliese ran along the side of one house, through its back yard, jumped a chain-link fence and circled back, walking up a driveway to within 12 feet of the older Tsarnaev. The two men started shooting at each other.

“Sergeant Pugliese feels he hit the suspect a number of times,’’ said Dupuis, noting that Pugliese is an excellent shot. “If he says he hit him, he hit him. The suspect’s shooting and returns fire but he misses.’’

When Tamerlan ran out of ammunition, he threw his weapon at Pugliese, hitting him in the arm, Dupuis said. Tamerlan then tried to run, but Pugliese, with the aid of Reynolds and MacLellan, tackled him in the street and handcuffed him.

Dzhokhar Tsarnaev may have injured himself in one of the blasts — he had what appeared to be shrapnel cuts on his neck and ear when he was captured — but that didn’t stop him. He jumped into the stolen SUV and started driving straight toward the three officers and Tamerlan.

“He’s coming toward us!’’ MacLellan yelled in time for the other officers to roll off Tamerlan at the last minute.

The SUV ran over Tamerlan Tsarnaev with a sickening thump. Blood pooled around him. Red streaks stained the pavement where Dzhokhar had dragged his older brother under the SUV.

“He was on his belly; he was moving,” said Jean MacDonald, who was watching from her second-floor bathroom window on Laurel Street. “I saw him trying to lift up his head.”

Police said Tsarnaev dragged his brother’s body about 30 feet.

“I could see the SUV headlights go up and then down when he drove over his brother,” said Rob Mullen of Laurel Street, who watched the gunfight unfold in disbelief.

Somehow, Dzhokhar Tsarnaev maneuvered the careening SUV between the two police cars on Laurel Street and sped off at 12:48 p.m. Wounded, he didn’t get far, abandoning the vehicle about half a mile away and setting off on foot.

“Police were heroic,” said Jane Dyson of Dexter Avenue. “They stood their ground. They did not retreat an inch.”

FRIDAY, 12:51 A.M.

Race to rescue

“Gunshots. Officer down.’’

When that alert pierced the silence of the small firehouse on Orchard Street in Watertown — the city’s north station — firefighters Patrick Menton and Jimmy Caruso — both trained as emergency medical technicians — jumped into a boxy ambulance and roared toward Laurel Street.

There are few more urgent words in public safety than “officer down.’’ For Patrick Menton they buzzed now with extra electricity. His younger brother Tim is a Watertown police officer. Is the officer in trouble my brother? Menton wondered.

They sped down Orchard Street to School Street. Mount Auburn to Laurel.

“Get some rubber gloves out,’’ Caruso told Menton. “Get ready.’’

The seven Watertown officers who responded first were quickly being augmented. State Trooper Christopher Dumont, a paramedic, and Linskey, the Boston Police Department’s superintendent-in-chief, had joined the response.

Other reinforcements poured in. Just blocks from the shooting, other officers emerged from their vehicles clutching weapons and listening for instructions.

As Dzhokhar Tsarnaev escaped, officers returned to Tamerlan to check on his condition when urgent word went out. “Officer down.’’

In all the chaos, MBTA officer Richard H. Donohue Jr. had been shot near his groin, possibly by a fellow officer, and collapsed in a pool of blood at the corner of Dexter Avenue and Laurel Street. One civilian witness, who asked not to be identified, said there were police officers positioned behind Donohue and they appeared to be firing in his direction. The Middlesex district attorney’s office is investigating.

Two Harvard University officers, Ryan Stanton and Michael Rea, used tourniquets to stanch the flow of blood from Donohue’s wound. Others officers also assisted.

“So they immediately go to the aid of that officer — the first officer who was there and a number of other officers,’’ said Watertown Police Chief Edward Deveau. “This guy is bleeding out.”

Mullen said he heard desperate voices screaming in the night: “We’re losing him. We’re losing him. Get an ambulance here. Now.”

A dazed Jeffrey Ryan stumbled out on his porch on Dexter Avenue to witness the frantic efforts to save Donohue, 10 feet away in his driveway.

“I ask what I could do to help,” he recalled. “They said ‘Get towels, for tourniquets.’ My wife brought out a handful of towels. They did a great job saving his life.”

In Watertown, all firefighters are trained as EMTs. They are instructed to never enter an unsecured location: If you’re hurt, you’re useless.

“We would never drive into a shooting scene,’’ Watertown Fire Chief Mario A. Orangio would later say. “That’s a Bruce Willis movie scene.’’

But as their rig rolled down Laurel Street, Caruso and Menton tore up that book. At the scene, Caruso went to the rear of the ambulance to retrieve the stretcher, but Donohue had already been carried from the driveway and into the back for treatment. The stretcher never left the truck.

“We need to get him out of here!’’ police officers, shrouded in post-midnight darkness, shouted. “He’s bleeding bad! We need to go!’’

Donohue was bleeding profusely. He had a three-quarter inch bullet wound at the top of his right thigh. He had no pulse. His eyes were open. His color was gray.

“He was deceased,’’ is how Donahue looked to Caruso.

Caruso ripped Donohue’s blood-soaked pants apart, desperate to find the source of the bleeding. He grabbed two multi-trauma dressings, big gauze pads, and pushed them into Donohue’s wound.

Menton provided breathing for the breathless patient, using a “BVM,’’ a bag valve mask, that sent puffs of air into Donohue’s lungs.

Alongside them, Trooper Dumont, who had jumped aboard, began performing chest compressions.

“We need a driver! We need a driver!” officers outside shouted. Moments later the ambulance lurched forward.

In the front of the cab was Tim Menton. The Watertown officer who moments before had been in the street shootout now sped to Mount Auburn Hospital, the closest emergency room available. Within minutes, the rescue truck arrived at Mount Auburn.

“If we didn’t have three people in the back of the truck, I don’t know how it would have worked,’’ Pat Menton said, “because we were each doing a vital thing to save his life. We had to go.’’

FRIDAY, 1 A.M.

The search for Dzhokhar

Dzhokhar Tsarnaev’s wild ride from the shootout scene was a short one.

He abandoned the bullet-riddled Mercedes-Benz SUV — whose hijacking would be his undoing — at the corner of Spruce and Lincoln streets. It was only about a half-mile away from where his brother lay.

Officers may have been delayed in their pursuit of Dzhokhar as they tended to Donohue, but they didn’t wait long.

Three cruisers sped after Dzhokhar, two local officers and a state trooper, Captain Dupuis of Watertown said.

“He had a little head start on us,’’ he said.

“We have all of Greater Boston coming and I have other officers who have come in and everybody else is pursuing it,’’ Watertown Chief Deveau said. “Everybody always asks: How did the guy get away? Well, he got away from my six or seven guys because they had another mission at that point. And he didn’t go very far.’’

For a while at least, it was far enough.

As Dzhokhar careened down hilly Spruce Street, Max Kerman was getting ready for bed. He heard the distant gunfire and stepped out on the second-floor porch to investigate — just as the SUV came into sight.

“I see this black SUV come flying up the hill, with its front end damaged, one headlight out and the windows on the passenger side blown out,” he said. “There’s a tight curve at the top of the hill, but he didn’t even slow down. I’m surprised he didn’t hit parked cars.”

Kerman, 25, estimated it was 45 seconds before an unmarked police cruiser with lights flashing came up the hill, then slowed down in front of his house. “So I’m screaming down at the cop, ‘Keep going! Keep going!’ pointing down the street,” Kerman said.

Within minutes, scores of police swarmed the neighborhood. They did a room-by-room search of Austin Lin’s house on Spruce Street before evacuating Lin and his grandmother to the police station. The residents of six other nearby houses were also hustled out of their homes in bathrobes and sweatpants—most of them clutching cellphones — for the night.

“They had SWAT teams, dogs, and the National Guard going through backyards and checking basements and garages,” said Mary Karaguesian, who watched from her home, also on Spruce Street. “But they didn’t find him.”

Kerman said police swept the backyard of his house four or five times.

“They were really thorough,” he said. And careful.

Indeed, when officers located the battered SUV, they approached it with caution. Could the suspect be hiding inside? Was it booby trapped?

“Eventually they determined there was nobody in the car,’’ Dupuis said. “Then they started looking through some back yards to see which way he may have gone. At that point, with all the bombs and weaponry that they had, they just pulled back and regrouped.’’

Chief Deveau said the fleeing Tsarnaev could hear the sirens and see the lights of his pursuers. Cruisers approaching down Spruce Street forced him to bail. And he said the suspect had an added advantage: He was able to exploit out-of-town officers’ unfamiliarity with Watertown.

“It wasn’t like everybody just watched him go down the street,’’ Deveau said. “But at the same time, one of the disadvantages that we have is the rest of the officers aren’t familiar [with the area]. We know Watertown. My guys know Watertown. One of my officers literally had to drive the ambulance to the hospital because nobody else knew how to get there.

“So when they’re yelling he’s on whatever street, 95 percent of the people that are here — if not more — have no idea what that street means.’’

Later, police would recover only a handgun and a BB gun from the shooting scene. But in the heat of the pursuit, officers assumed he was armed and dangerous and possibly wearing a suicide vest. “They were using extreme caution,’’ the police chief said, “because they didn’t want to see an officer blown up.’’

Deveau said canine search teams were called in. “We had a lot of dogs here,’’ he said. “We had Boston, State Police, I think some municipal dogs and I know the federal people had dogs here, too. So we tried to do the tracking. . . . . But you can imagine there’s so many people there, the scent or whatever was just trampled.’’

Officers found blood and urine at a nearby house, but still, the trail dried up.

Within a half hour of Dzhokhar’s escape, Boston Police Superintendent Evans was in Watertown. It had already been a long day for the 32-year veteran of the Boston Police Department, who earlier in the week had completed his 18th Boston Marathon, crossing Boylston Street’s yellow-and-blue finish line about an hour before the twin blasts.

“They said, ‘Billy, you’re going to handle the street,’ ” said Evans. “It was an ugly scene. Shell casings. Pressure casing bomb remnants.’’

In fact, Laurel Street became one of the most complex crime scenes in the history of the Massachusetts State Police, officials said. More than 250 shell casings and several IEDs — exploded and not — would be recovered throughout the neighborhood. Among the items recovered were the remains of a pressure cooker bomb that had detonated into the side of a parked car.

A command post was quickly established at the Arsenal Mall. It was the beginning of a day of urgent searches, heart-stopping false alarms, and — for a time — a dreadful sense that Tsarnaev had somehow eluded them.

Laurel Street had to be evacuated. MBTA buses were summoned. A stop sign riddled with bullet holes was removed from the corner of Laurel Street and Dexter Avenue.

Anyone up and about in the early morning hours was searched by police. And a more systemic search grid was laid out.

The area was divided into five sectors. Color-coded maps were eventually drawn up. Before that, they were guided instead by Google images to put the lines together and define the sectors.

Deveau said it is unclear how many homes were searched. Linskey, the Boston chief, said “hundreds’’ but could not be more specific.

“We were trying to do 20 blocks around [Tsarnaev’s] vehicle,’’ Linskey said.

Authorities were concerned that the younger alleged bomber had remote-controlled improvised explosive devices and that he would double back through a neighborhood back yard. They monitored anything that moved.

At 1:16 a.m., the police came across a man who seemed suspicious. They stripped his clothes off and briefly cuffed him before they learned he lived on the street, Linskey said.

But the more intense, detailed search would wait for dawn.

FRIDAY, 6 A.M.

Shelter in place

By now, Watertown resembled an armed camp. Armored trucks rumbled through its streets. Police by the busload and an array of tactical units assembled at the Arsenal Mall.

The day began with one suspect dead, a region locked down, andamassive manhunt underway.

Governor Patrick was briefed hourly throughout the night. Subway service was interrupted. As he raced from his home in Milton to the command center in Watertown, the governor received reports that a taxi that had been in Watertown was suspected of carrying explosive devices. Stopped in the Fenway, it turned out to be a false alarm. There were other reports of a police pursuit at South Station and another at the federal courthouse on the waterfront.

“It was coming fast and furious,’’ Patrick said. “You’re making judgments. We made the decision to suspend service on the T and to extend to Boston the request to stay indoors.’’

It was an extraordinary order and within moments it ricocheted around the world: A major American city is now under lockdown. Wall-to-wall television coverage showed battalions of helmeted police officers in Watertown and the nearly empty streets of what otherwise would have been the bustling streets of Boston.

Alben, the State Police colonel, promised Patrick that the tactical units would not stop until the younger of the alleged bombers was in custody.

“We are going to start going house to house on every single street,’’ Alben recalled. “This is something that is easier said than done. We’re going to knock on every person’s door and hope to have a conversation and ask to go into the house.’’

More dogs were brought in. Watertown issued reverse 911 alerts to residents about what was happening outside their windows. People began tweeting about what was going on in their backyards.

At dawn, five tactical teams were at work, each with 16 to 33 members.

The tactical units and other officers knocked on hundreds of doors to ask if anything seemed amiss and searched room-by-room if requested. They checked yards, sheds and other structures, including Sarina Tcherepnin’s barn next to her rambling yellow house on Franklin Street.

She told the officers around 9 a.m. that the doors are usually unlocked. It looked like a good hiding place. In fact, it was around the corner from where Tsarnaev was eventually found.

The officers searched it, but Tcherepnin said she and her husband had to suggest that they also examine the cellar of the barn.

“They were great,’’ she said. “But they didn’t look in the basement of the barn, which would seem an obvious place.’’

Across the street at Robert Vercollone’s green Victorian house, which the software consultant was remodeling, a State Police tactical officer aimed a gun at his pick-up truck loaded with yard trash. On the other side of the house, an officer pointed a flashlight at the latticework underneath his porch, which had a gaping hole because of ongoing plumbing repairs.

Troopers stopped a vehicle at Carver Road and Belmont Street in Watertown on a tense Friday, as tensions ran high.

“It’s the perfect size for somebody to crawl through,” said Vercollone. “But he didn’t poke around any further.”

Residents universally praised the officers for being polite and helping to maintain a quiet calm over a panicked neighborhood.

People offered water and oranges to members of tactical teams. Though locked indoors, residents tried to carry on as normally as possible, planning a bar mitzvah, taking a nap, keeping little kids who were on school vacation away from televisions with scary images of the manhunt.

Throughout the day, there were multiple false alarms, at times interrupting search work as tactical units were called in to clear the area.

“A woman sends a text saying she was being held against her will by a man,’’ Superintendent Evans said. “It turns out she had some psychological issues. So we were running around all day long for suspicious people — residents hearing footsteps upstairs that weren’t supposed to be there.’’

Other dead-end tips were chased: Someone was running into a home on Oak Street; a 65-year-old man had a suspicious device on Arsenal Street; a man speaking Russian near reporters crossed a secure line.

“At least a dozen [times] just inside the perimeter, and then at the same time in the command post, we’re hearing different stuff that didn’t turn out to be accurate but you have to run it down,’’ said Deveau.

As evening approached, the Watertown chief worried.

“I’m not sure he’s gone . . . Did we have another carjacking that we didn’t get reports of?” Deveau said. “My other concern was that it was going to be dark in an hour and a half or two and it was going to give him a chance to move again if he was still here.”

By 5 p.m., with Dzhokhar still at large, Evans and his troops were feeling the weight of their work. They were living off bottled water and granola bars and — occasionally — searching for the nearest bathroom

“One poor old lady, I said, ‘Can I use your bathroom?’ She said, ‘It’s cluttered.’

“My mood was, we hadn’t finished our job,’’ Evans said. “Some of my officers were calling for release. I said, ‘Let’s hang in there. Let’s hang in there.’ ”

Evans was aware of the image of such a large police presence — by one estimate more than 1,000 officers — on the streets of an American city.

“We wanted to make sure people weren’t intimidated by us,’’ said Evans, saying they tried to put people at ease. “We were very careful about not upsetting the public. I felt awful when I looked at some people we asked to leave their house. . . . They were intimidated. We had weaponry, armored cars. We must have been very intimidating.’’

And then, not far away, a group of public officials walked toward a cluster of reporters.

FRIDAY, 6 P.M.

Capture

There was a tight-lipped blend of determination and disappointment as Governor Patrick stepped up to a bouquet of microphones as evening took hold. The Commonwealth’s capital had been essentially locked down. Streets were empty. Trains and subways cars stood still. The Red Sox and Bruins had called their games off. The Big Apple Circus was in town, but there were no clowns or elephants or trapeze acrobatics.

SWAT teams prepared to raid the Franklin Street yard where the suspect was believed to be hiding in a boat.

But the dragnet had come up empty.

And now the governor was lifting the so-called “shelter in place’’ order. Remain vigilant, he advised. But life’s routine, even with nerves rubbed raw, had to resume.

It was hardly a cavalier decision. Earlier in the day, he had spoken with Obama, who had already pledged the full support of the US government.

Patrick recalled the conversation: “He said, ‘Have you thought about the shelter in place request?’ And I said yes. He said, ‘There’s a point at which it’s no good anymore.’ That’s a paraphrase. ‘There’s a point at which we should consider whether it should continue.’ I said, ‘I get that.’ ’’

Authorities appeared before a battery of cameras and microphones in Watertown to announce the decision to rescind the order, telling residents they should continue living their lives — though with extra vigilance.

Blocks away, homeowner David Henneberry on Franklin Street took advantage of the relaxed civil alert to take in some fresh air in his driveway, where his shrink-wrapped boat, the Slip Away II, still held the promise of a summertime idyll.

Each year Henneberry delights a half dozen or so children from the Perkins School for the Blind who clamber aboard his vessel for a leisurely voyage up and down the Charles River, said Vercollone, the Franklin Street neighbor whose girlfriend works at the school.

But now something was amiss. The straps weren’t quite right. The pads seemed somehow askew. And the boat owner was meticulous

Henneberry, a former telephone company technician, climbed a ladder and peeked inside.

There was blood. A lot of blood. And on the other side of the boat’s engine box there was a body.

Within moments of Henneberry’s 911 call there, SWAT team members walked up neighbor Dumitru Ciuc’s driveway. There was a loud knock on the door and an officer’s urgent order: Get out now.

“We’re getting a report from Watertown of 67 Franklin Street,’’ an officer’s voice crackled over a police scanner. “They have a boat with blood on it and they believe someone’s on the boat. . . . I’ve got the owner of the house here. He says that there’s a body in the boat.’’

Seventeen hours after the bullets-and-bombs shootout on Laurel Street, less than a mile away, another Watertown neighborhood was under intense siege. After a massive search, the suspect would be found less than a quarter mile from where he abandoned the black SUV.

The cover of the boat, the Slip Away II, was torn away in an attempt to extract Dzhokhar Tsarnaev.

A command post was established. A battalion of heavily armed and Kevlar-vested officers moved in. A State Police helicopter, a Eurocopter TwinStar piloted by Trooper Mark Spencer, was sent aloft equipped with a thermal imaging camera.

Patrick, who was headed home with take-out Thai food he had picked up in Quincy, quickly called his wife with a change of plans. “Meet me at Exit 10 and I will give you the food,’’ he said. He changed course and headed for Watertown.

What happened next is captured on police radio frequencies and State Police video of infrared images of the heat signatures coming from the man beneath the tarp.

After police scanners chirped with news that the person in the boat was moving, an officer announced that the vessel was surrounded on all sides and the person on it was “trying to poke a hole’’ through the tarp. Presently, there was a fusillade of gunfire.

Superintendent Evans instantly barked: “Hold your fire!’’

“What happens in those situations [is], once one fires, others fire,’’ Evans later explained. “We’ve got the guy. I didn’t want something to happen to our guys and didn’t want him to be killed. I knew we had it under control.’’

Ambulances were summoned, as was a tactical response team that had already spent its day performing house-to-house searches along Dexter Avenue.

At 6:30 p.m. the team had gone off duty and was back at MBTA Police headquarters on Southampton Street in Boston when units began converging at Henneberry’s house.

Within minutes, they returned to Franklin Street, where Officer Jeff Campbell, 45, approached the federal tactical officer in charge. He was hoping for a quick briefing — and got something more.

“Can you gather a team and be ready in 5 minutes?” the federal commander asked.

“Roger that,” Campbell replied.

Meantime, other officers with rifles took up sniper positions around and above the house. Alerts from the air confirmed continued movement in the boat.

“We’re putting some dummy rounds into the boat. So nobody should be firing, OK,’’ one commander shouted. “These are just dummy rounds being fired into the boat so everybody hold fire, all right?’’

There were warnings about the dangers of booby traps, about 20 gallons on gasoline aboard the boat, and the perils of crossfire in close quarters. Scene commanders did their best to shoo away the knots of eager officers who had clogged the area. Tactical is taking over, they broadcast. Everyone else, leave the scene.

A heavily armored vehicle approached the boat.

A wounded Tsarnaev was handcuffed, bringing the nightmare of a daylong manhunt to a dramatic end.

“State Police are putting their extended ram on the front of their armor,’’ officers were told. “They’re going to try to make their way into the back yard. They’re going to try to rip the tarp off the boat. . . . If they’re able to successfully rip that off, he’ll be fully exposed.’’

Dzhokhar was spotted on his back. “He picked his arm up. His arm is covered in blood,’’ an officer announced. “He put it in the air. He brought it back down to his chest. He’s on the left side of the boat when you’re looking at it from the driveway.’’

Officers were ordered to keep off their radios.

“We know you’re in there,’’ police yelled. “Come out on your own terms. Come out with your hands up.’’

Dzhokhar’s capture was orchestrated by the state police SWAT and FBI’s hostage rescue teams under the direction of a blue jean-wearing FBI agent sent from headquarters in Virginia. His name was never released to the public, but he remained calm in the command trailer, spitting tobacco as he oversaw the high stakes negotiations.

“For what [the suspect] put us through over last four days — devices, handguns — we had to assume he possibly had bombs on there [the boat],’’ said Evans. “He might have had a suicide vest. He might have had handguns. The poking at the tarp indicated to me he was either trying to break the tarp or poke a firearm through there.

“We didn’t know what he had, but given what he did at the scene of the Marathon, given what he did during the shoot-out, and given what he did to the MIT officer, we knew we were dealing with a serious terrorist here who had weapons to the max. We didn’t know what we were going to walk into.”

In short order, the tactical team began its advance on the boat.

A Malden Police SWAT officer led the way, holding a black Kevlar shield. Behind him, in single file, was another Malden Police SWAT officer, carrying an M4 carbine. They were followed by Transit SWAT officers Campbell, Saro Thompson, 33, Kenny Tran, 35, and Brian Harer, 44. All wore Kevlar helmets and carried submachine guns.

The team headed down the driveway toward the boat at a normal walking pace. An earpiece tethered them to a command post.

“Watch his hands,” they reminded each other.

As daylight slowly faded, Harer shouted: “Show us your hands and get down off the boat.”

Dzhokhar was ordered to lift his shirt, but did not respond.

“To me he was refusing our command,” Campbell would later recall. “That meant we had to go get him.”

Dzhokhar was lying on his stomach, straddling the side of the boat, wearing jeans and a hoodie. His left arm and left leg hung over the boat’s side. He appeared to struggle for consciousness.

It was unclear whether he had firearms or explosive devices or had rigged the boat to explode. His face was bloody. He appeared exhausted, in need of urgent medical care.

As team members studied his movements, Dzhokhar’s hands shot up in a surrender gesture. Still, he rocked left and right, his right hand intermittently dipping out of view.

Is he reaching for a weapon? Campbell wondered.

The team was now within eight feet. And when both hands appeared again, the team struck.

“We broke from behind the shield and went after him,” Campbell recalled. “It took only a second or two to get him off the boat.”

Campbell reached up over his head — at a height of about 7 feet — and using both hands he grabbed Dzhokhar’s left arm and left leg and in one motion hauled him down to the grassy ground.

Dzhokhar, on his stomach, was frisked and then flipped over.

After the arrest, police officers were cheered as heroes. One of them posed with admirers on Boston Common.

Blood covered the left side of his face. His left ear was severely wounded and bleeding. There was a bleeding cut — a 2-inch slice as if hit by shrapnel — on the front of his neck, just below his chin. Blood flowed from a substantial wound in his thigh.

He appeared unarmed.

Dzhokhar’s body was flipped again, back on his stomach. Thompson grabbed hold of his left arm, Tran his right.

Thompson snapped handcuffs on his wrists.

Click.

At about 8:45 p.m., the radio crackled again.

“He’s in custody! He’s in custody!’’

The SWAT team called for a medic and an ambulance. Then, amidst the police radio traffic, the Boston mayor’s voice: “People of Boston are proud of you,” Menino said.

An ambulance bearing the wounded Tsarnaev soon pulled into the street, flanked on all sides by police cars. Along their route, residents came out to line the streets, clapping and cheering the departing officers. For them, it was time to finally exhale.

For others, the road ahead remained long and uncertain. From the hospital where their daughter still lay wounded, the family of Martin Richard sent a statement to the world, expressing gratitude in the midst of endless grief.

“None of this will bring our beloved Martin back, or reverse the injuries these men inflicted,” it said. “We continue to pray for healing and for comfort on the long road that lies ahead.”

- This story was written by Jenna Russell and Thomas Farragher. It was based on more than 100 interviews with police, government officials, and witnesses of the week’s events. The reporting was conducted by Globe staff writers Andrea Estes, Sean P. Murphy, Shelley Murphy, Matt Carroll, Jonathan Saltzman, Michael Rezendes, David Abel, Jenn Abelson, Brian Ballou, Todd Wallack, Maria Cramer, Maria Sacchetti, Andrew Caffrey, Bill Greene, Michael Levenson, Stephanie Ebbert, Akilah Johnson, Kevin Cullen, Eric Moskowitz, Jenifer B. McKim, Wes Lowery, and Milton Valencia. Globe correspondents Evan Allen, Derek J. Anderson, and Alli Knothe also contributed.


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GILBERT KILLER IDENTIFIED AS MILITIA LEADER

May 2 2012

- A border militia leader on Wednesday shot and killed four people at a Gilbert home, including a toddler, before committing suicide, sources said.

Sources identified the shooter as Jason “J.T.” Ready, a reputed neo-Nazi who made headlines when he launched a militia movement to patrol the Arizona desert to hunt for illegal immigrants and drug smugglers.

Authorities have not identified the other victims, but reached by phone Wednesday afternoon, Hugo Mederos said the victims were his ex-wife, Lisa; their daughter, Amber; Amber’s boyfriend, whose name The Republic is withholding until his next of kin could be notified, and Amber’s 18-month-old baby, Lilly.

Mederos, who lives in Tampa, said Ready lived at the home with his girlfriend, Lisa.

Ready was a former Marine who headed the U.S. Border Guard, a militia-style group that routinely performed armed patrols in the southern Arizona desert. Early this year, Ready had formed an exploratory committee for a run as Pinal County sheriff.

In a statement of organization filed Jan. 11, Amber Mederos was listed as treasurer of the Committee to Elect J.T. Ready. Her name was nowhere to be found in amended paperwork filed March 12.

Gilbert police spokesman Sgt. Bill Balafas said the gunman’s motives is unknown. Authorities recovered two handguns and a shotgun from the scene, Balafas said.

Members of the anti-terrorism task force are at the scene and providing personnel to the Gilbert Police Department, according to an FBI spokesman.

Gilbert Fire Department’s hazmat team went to check on the two 55-gallon drums found on the property and determined they do not represent an immediate threat. But the bomb squad encountered munitions in the house, and a decision was made to bring in federal agents to remove them and treat them as evidence.

The shootings occurred sometime after 1 p.m. in a residential area in the 500 block of West Tumbleweed Road, near Warner and Cooper roads.

Balafas said the youngest victim was taken from the scene to Maricopa Medical Center, where she was pronounced dead.

“There were signs of life, that’s why we transported her,” Balafas said. “This is a domestic situation. We do have a witness that our investigators are interviewing.”

Balafas said the witness saw at least part of the incident.

DeAnn Rawson, 38, who has lived in the Lago Estancia neighborhood for 13 years, said she was “sick to my stomach, as you can tell everyone driving by is absolutely shocked.”

Rawson stood on a street corner and answered drivers who rolled down their windows to ask what happened.

“I would have come and got her,” Rawson said of the youngest victim. “It makes me mad. I can’t have children, and you have other people doing things that are insane.”

Gary Davis, who also lives in the neighborhood, stood outside Wednesday afternoon, watching the commotion.

“There’s no excuse for taking a child’s life,” Davis said. “Nothing ever happens in this neighborhood. It’s a shock to us.”

Mesquite Junior High School, along with nearby Gilbert Elementary School, was placed on “modified lockdown” status — meaning classes go on as normal, but students are not allowed to leave and no one is allowed to enter the building — until 2 p.m.

Witnesses in the neighborhood said a SWAT team sealed off part of the area and that investigators told residents to remain indoors.

Nearly an hour after the shootings occurred, police were milling around the neighborhood of stucco homes with red-tile roofs. Police tape cordoned off three separate areas of Tumbleweed Road.

- Jim Walsh and Lindsey Collom


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911 CALLS REVEAL CHILLING DETAILS OF GILBERT ARIZONA SHOOTING

May 7 2012

- Police on Monday released some of the 911 calls in the case of a former neo-Nazi who allegedly fatally shot four people before turning a gun on himself in a Phoenix suburb.

Authorities believe Jason Todd “JT” Ready killed his girlfriend and three others, including a toddler, in a domestic dispute Wednesday at a Gilbert home.

Ready, 39, was the leader of a group of armed civilians that patrols Arizona’s desert near the Mexican border for illegal immigrants and drug smugglers.

In one of the 911 calls, Ready’s girlfriend is heard saying in a raised voice: “Oh my God. He’s got a gun. No!” before the sounds of two shots.

In another call, a sobbing young woman tells a 911 dispatcher that “my mom and my niece and my sister are all on the floor. They’re hurt pretty bad.”

Asked by the dispatcher about the shooter, the woman said: “It’s my mom’s boyfriend, JT Ready.”

Besides Ready, Gilbert police have identified the victims as Lisa Lynn Mederos, 47, Ready’s girlfriend; Lisa’s daughter Amber Mederos, 23; Amber’s 15-month-old daughter, Lilly; and Amber’s boyfriend Jim “Jambob” Hiott, 24.

Lisa Maderos’ 19-year-old daughter Brittany identified herself to the dispatcher in a 911 call, saying she heard Ready and her mother “fighting and screaming and I was in my room under a bed… I come out and they’re all on the floor and there’s blood.”

Gilbert police said they found two handguns and a shotgun at the home when they responded to the 911 calls.

A neighbor is heard on another 911 call saying he “heard about six shots” and saw the bodies of two men with “blood coming from their head” outside the home.

The neighbor added that he had just moved in next door to Ready, only knew his first name and thought he was a U.S. Border Patrol agent.

Authorities said Ready was a former member of the neo-Nazi National Socialist Movement and led a civilian border patrol group known as the U.S. Border Guard.

The FBI was already conducting a domestic terrorism investigation of Ready at the time of the shootings. The FBI’s investigation dated to when Ready was a member of the neo-Nazi National Socialist Movement and continued into his participation with the border group, according to The Arizona Republic.

Search warrant affidavits obtained by the Republic show federal agents seized numerous computers and munitions from the Gilbert home where Ready lived and died in an apparent murder-suicide. The warrants imply weapons seized at the murder scene were stolen from the U.S. military. Focus on those weapons could trigger a larger federal investigation.

The murders gave the FBI access to Ready’s documents and computers inside the home where he lived with Lisa Mederos and Brittany Mederos.

Documents connected to the search warrant show that the FBI agents seized two computer towers and two laptop computers, correspondence, cellphones, police and Nazi uniforms, white-supremacist propaganda and bank statements.

Agents seized two assault-style rifles and multiple rounds of ammunition. The reporting FBI agent focused on “approximately two dozen military ordnance/40 millimeter grenades” loaded with explosives, tear gas, buckshot and smoke.


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FOOTBALL COACH AND PLAYERS ARRESTED IN MATCH-FIXING SWINDLE

Monday September 16 2013

- Soccer players last night faced an out-of-sessions court hearing as police alleged a shadowy international crime boss had “planted” foreign players in a Melbourne competition to pull of a $2 million match-fixing swindle.
Detectives are investigating whether the sting links back to a prolific alleged match fixer in Hungary named Wilson Raj Perumal.
The Victorian Premier League has been rocked by allegations members of the battling Southern Stars Football Club were involved in the massive rort.
The Dingley-based club’s coach, Zaya Younan, and nine players were arrested yesterday as investigators from the Purana organised crime taskforce swooped on seven properties across Melbourne.
Information from the Football Federation of Australia, which noticed betting irregularities, instigated the state’s first match-fixing arrests. The FFA had referred details to police after receiving information from respected global bet monitoring agency Sportradar.
Deputy Police Commissioner Graham Ashton said he was not shocked at the possibility such a large sum had been won on a second-tier soccer league. “We hope this sends the message that we’re not a soft touch…we’ll be on to it,” he said.
Mr Ashton said police – who only started the probe last month – would be looking at how to prosecute overseas members of the syndicate.
There are allegations players made tens of thousands of dollars for their part.
Match-fixing carries a maximum penalty of 10 years’ jail under new laws.
Younan is known to law enforcement globally and has links with those allegedly behind one of the biggest fixing schemes in the world.
A court has previously ordered him to serve two years’ jail for match-fixing.
He is well known to soccer’s world governing body FIFA.
One of his former associates is a Singaporean, who has been formally accused of fixing hundreds of soccer matches across the globe.
The Singaporean’s alleged activities were uncovered as part of the massive Europol match-fixing probe made public earlier this year.
It is believed that the Victorian case could involve betting syndicates linked to Singapore and China.
Investigators are examining whether the players had been recruited and sent to Victoria specifically to fix matches.
Big money was plunged on head-to-head and margin betting in the alleged Stars fraud.
Spot betting, in which bets are laid during matches, is also under scrutiny after a season in which the team was regularly flogged.
The players at the centre of the inquiry, being run by Purana and Victoria Police’s sports integrity intelligence unit, were mostly brought to Australia from the UK.
The cellar-dwelling Stars beat top side Northcote City 1-0 on August 18th. One betting agency was paying $151 to tip the correct score.
FFV said yesterday the Stars – who have lost four of their last five games – were the only club involved in the scam.
Southern Stars spokesman Tony Kiranci denied the committee knew anything about the raids but said coach Zaya Younan, who was among those arrested yesterday, approached the board late last year for the job.
Mr Kiranci said Younan promised to bring sponsorship to the club and paid bills from his own pocket.
“The committee know nothing and if they did I’m sure Purana would have been knocking on our door as well,” he said.
Football Federation Australia chief David Gallop described the scandal as a “distressing day for everyone in Australian sport”.
– Carly Crawford & Mark Buttler


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THE ARKANSAS CONNECTIONS

ALBANIAN ORGANISED CRIME IN KOSOVO AND METOHIJA

TABLE OF CONTENTS

Introduction

1. Continuity of terrorist organization of Albanian extremists
2. Characteristics of ANA activities
3. Data on the victims of violence in K&M
4. Organized crime
– Criminal activities in K&M
– Activities of the Albanian mafia around the world
– Influence of criminal factors from the Republic of Albania
5. The Role of Albanian Emigration
6. Pan-Islamic Factor

List of terrorists and members of organized criminal organizations in K&M

1. Hajdin Abazi
2. Ekrem Avdija
3. Alush Agushi
4. Rasim Agushi
5. Nazmi Ajeti
6. Hisni Ahmeti
7. Abdulah Babalija
8. Masar Bakija
9. Idriz Balaj
10. Afrim Basha
11. Sokol Bashota
12. Bajram Bega
13. Gjemajl Bejta
14. Avni Berisha
15. Rustem Berisha
16. Shefik Beqiri
17. Lahi Ibrahimi
18. Ram Buja
19. Shukri Buja
20. Jah Bushati
21. Jusuf Velia
22. Azem Veseli
23. Kadri Veseli
24. Rexhep Veseli
25. Sali Veseli
26. Skender Veseli
27. Besim Vokshi
28. Latif Gashi
29. Fahrudin Gashi.
30. Jetulah Gecaj
31. Sabit Gecaj
32. Gani Geci.
33. Adem Grabovci
34. Jahir Demaku
35. Milazim Derguti
36. Jetulah Dibrani
37. Sokol Dobruna
38. Shaban Dragaj
39. Florim Ejupi
40. Agim Elshani
41. Xhabir Zharku
42. Dritton Zhjeqi
43. Tahir Zemaj
44. Genc Zogaj
45. Bislim Zyrapi
46. Nuredin Ibishi
47. Imri Ilazi
48. Gani Imeri
49. Elisah Imeri
50. Bexhet Imishti
51. Ahmet Isufi
52. Lirim Jakupi
53. Januz Januzaj
54. Bashkim Jashari
55. Musa Jashari
56. Rifat Jashari
57. Sahit Jashari
58. Naim Kadriu
59. Giner Kamberi
60. Ajvaz Karpuzi
61. Ajet Kastrati
62. Kadri Kastrati
63. Mensur Kasumi
64. Naser Kelmendi
65. Hisni Kilaj
66. Anton Kitaj
67. Fadhil Kodra
68. Arif Krasniqi
69. Gani Krasniqi
70. Gjimshit Krasniqi
71. Emin Krasniqi
72. Jakup Krasniqi
73. Skender Krasniqi
74. Bajram Kryeziu
75. Mazlom Kumnova
76. Mirsad Kurteshi
77. Agim Kuqi
78. Ramiz Lladrovci
79. Fatmir Limaj
80. Ekrem Lluka
81. Isa Latifi
82. Muhamet Latifi
83. Lulzim Leci
84. Afrim Lulaj
85. Nuredin Lushtaku
86. Sami Lushtaku
87. Enver Mavriqi
88. Naim Maloku
89. Faton Mehmetaj
90. Nazif Mehmeti
91. Fadil Mujota
92. Shefqet Musliu
93. Isak Musliu
94. Rustem Mustafa
95. Salih Mustafa
96. Arif Muqoli
97. Maliq Ndrecaj
98. Selami Neziri
99. Jakup Nura
100. Enver Oruçi
101. Gjumshit Osmani
102. Nebih Preniqi
103. Rahman Rama
104. Illmi Ramusholi
105. Elmi Reqica
106. Ekrem Rexha
107. Bedri Rexhaj
108. Ismet Sadiku
109. Ruzhdi Saramati
110. Rexhep Selimi
111. Sylejman Selimi
112. Abedin Sogojeva
113. Fatmir Sopi
114. Azem Syla
115. Shemsi Syla
116. Fadil Suljević
117. Emrush Suma
118. Rufki Suma
119. Ismet Tara
120. Gani Thaqi
121. Hashim Thaqi
122. Ahmet Qeriqi
123. Ramiz Qeriqi
124. Sami Ukshini
125. Avni Feta
126. Adem Hagjocaj
127. Abit Haziraj
128. Sadik Halitjaha
129. Xhavit Haliti
130. Bujar Haradinaj
131. Daut Haradinaj
132. Ramush Haradinaj
133. Nait Hasani
134. Safet Hasani
135. Xhabit Hasani
136. Zeqir Haxhija
137. G¸zim Haxhimusa
138. Hekuran Hoda
139. Fatmir Humolli
140. Sabajdin Cena
141. Agim Çeku
142. Ethem Çeku
143. Muhamet Çerkezi
144. Emrush Xhemajli
145. Idriz Shabani
146. Besnik Shala
147. Shaban Shala
148. Shaban Shala
149. Naser Shatri
150. Xhafer Shatri
151. Mustafa Shaqiri
152. Shaqir Shaqiri
153. Adem Shehu
154. Elbasan Shoshaj
155. Bekim Shuti
156. Met Shuti

Introduction

Albanian terrorism in Kosovo and Metohija (K&M), as well as in the municipalities of Preševo, Bujanovac and Medvedja, is linked to different types of organized crime. It represents a permanent danger to the safety of the population and political stability, not only in our country, but also in other countries in the region.1 The strategists of these activities want to ensure the legalization of their criminal activities and accumulated wealth and to enable the establishment of Greater Albania or Greater Kosovo in order to complete the territory they consider Albanian ethnic space and spread their internal market and, in proportion to their economic power, secure the political influence and participation in the top administrative state bodies on the territory. Support of violence and permanent disruption of stability in the Balkans make it possible for the scenario to be effectively implemented in practice. Having established cooperation with the criminal organizations, the strategists of terrorist activities have strengthened their political position which they use for exerting pressure on the overall Albanian population as well as on autochthonous Albanian political subjects, enforcing collaboration and concessions.
Thus, the public gets the impression of complete homogeneity of the Albanian nationals and their unison endeavors toward a common objective. However, interests of some criminal organizations are hidden behind the political, ideological and national motives for the establishment of a unified Albanian state (regardless of whether they call it Greater Albania or Greater Kosovo). They tend to take part in the current processes of political and economic transition, i.e. transformation of the region as a whole, and to legalize their criminal operations.
Albanians, particularly those from Kosovo and Metohija, have developed a sense of collective identity which is a necessary prerequisite for organized crime activities. This very element, based on the sense of belonging to a defined group, has linked Albanian organized crime with pan-Albanian ideals, politics, military activities and terrorism.
A relatively universal model of terrorist operations in the world – which is, as a rule, usually funded from criminal sources (trafficking in drugs, arms and people, as well as in excise goods) – was applied, at one time, by the leaders of the Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA), and was taken over, and is applied now, by the leaders of the Albanian National Army (ANA).2 In this way, unhindered and permanent inflow of resources for criminal activities has been provided, while the leaders of KLA and ANA, as well as the most vocal Albanian patriots, have accumulated enormous personal wealth under the conditions of deep and long-lasting socio-economic crisis prevailing in the region. This is an additional impetus to the spreading of criminal activities in the region which is, still, an inexhaustible source of the so-called dirty money which is the basis for providing the continuity of terrorist activities and a permanent recruitment of new fighters.
A characteristic of the common model of internal organization of Albanian terrorist and criminal organizations is their compliance with the rule of territorial division, with the recognition of the interest zones and influence of certain families. Accordingly, in each of the groups, the basic membership is recruited from the fis, that is, an extended family, or the clan that predominates on a certain territory.3
Precise territorial and clan division of the greatest part of Albanian society contributes to the preservation of traditional hierarchical structure, its distrust of the outsiders and very strict inner discipline of the members which is still maintained with the application of the common law of Leka Dugagjini or the clan honor code. The threat of mandatory execution of blood feud (vendetta) in cases of betrayal or dishonored agreement, provide for complete protection of the perpetrators of terrorist activities and criminal acts and, at the same time, is the most common cause for murder among the Albanian population.
At the time KLA was being founded, in the first half of 1993, organized crime was not so prominent in this region. Primarily for the purpose of arming the newly organized groups, members of KLA in the areas of Drenica and Metohija established connections with their relatives, migrant workers in Switzerland, Germany, Belgium, Sweden and other countries, who had already been involved in illicit activities, and established multiple channels for transporting the arms and equipment, as well as financial resources for the needs of K&M terrorists.
This way, a firm link of the key persons of Albanian terrorism and the leaders of organized crime in the region with the highly criminalized and politically manipulated Albanian diaspora, a very important factor in the operation of the partnership between Albanian terrorism and criminal organizations, was established.
At the same time, the sanctions imposed on the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia by the international community and the trade blockade of the FYRepublic of Macedonia by Greece have switched drug trafficking from the routes connecting Turkey with the Western European market to a new one, across the territory of Albania and K&M. A part of the money earned in these illicit operations was paid to some allegedly humanitarian funds that were actually used to sponsor the activities of KLA members.
Of almost DM 900 million that reached Kosovo and Metohija in the between 1996 and 1999, nearly a half was the money earned in drug trafficking, which made Interpol experts conclude (in December 2000) that the activities of fund raising for Kosmet and KLA were used for laundering of illegally acquired money.
KLA did not use the channels for illegal transportation of drugs only as a way to ship heroin to Europe in order to earn enormous profits, but also to smuggle arms to the Balkans. Drugs were directly traded for arms, or the arms were purchased with the money earned from drug trafficking in Albania, B&H, Croatia, Cyprus, Italy, Montenegro, Switzerland and Turkey.
In 1999, “The Washington Times” published a statement of American anti-drug agents that KLA was linked with a wide network of organized crime, with the headquarters in Albania. The documents they possess suggest that it was one of the most powerful organizations for heroin trafficking in the world, and that most of the profits generated from this illicit activity were channeled to the procurement of arms for KLA. The arrival of international forces to K&M resulted in the disintegration and formal demilitarization of KLA, but the organization has not as yet discontinued its activities. A part of the membership re-directed their activities to the political level, through the Democratic Party of Kosovo (DPK)4 and the Alliance for the Future of Kosovo (AFK),5 while about 10,000 troops were included into the transformation of KLA into the Kosovo Protective Corps (KPC) and the Kosovo Police Service (KPS). Since the revitalization of economic activities as the only legal source of income for the population has not been adequately conducted, a substantial number of terrorists have continued to produce violence, actively pursuing their criminal activities.
The foundation of ANA, as a terrorist organization, was facilitated by the fact that the organizational and the operational core was composed of the members of former KLA determined to implement their previously set goals and complete the ethnic cleansing of Kosovo and Metohija and other, allegedly Albanian territories. Also, ANA organization mimics the KLA model, uses the same methods of operation, the same channels for smuggling weapons and even the same bank accounts and, allegedly, humanitarian funds abroad by means of which they provide significant funding for their activities.
It logically appears that the organized crime in K&M took over the structure and infrastructure of KLA, developed and branched concomitantly with Albanian terrorism and now represents a stable and expansive material and financial base of the Albanian terrorist and separatist movement as a whole. In June 2003, in his public statement for the media, Barry Fletcher, UNMIK police spokesman for K&M, said that one of the greatest obstacles the UN faced was the deeply rooted Albanian mafia that used nationalistic slogans of Kosmet Albanians whenever it suited their needs.6

1. Continuity of terrorist organization of Albanian extremists

The pretensions of the so-called Government of the Republic of Kosovo presided by Bujar Bukoshi, an asylum seeker in Germany, connected with the establishment of a parallel system of Albanian administration in K&M resulted in foundation of the Armed Forces of the Republic of Kosovo (AFRK).7 The formation was joined by officers of the former Yugoslav People‘s Army (YPA) of Albanian extraction, all advocating separatism, who wanted to set up a professional core of the Kosovo Army. The initiative failed and the leader of the group, Ahmet Krasniqi, was murdered in 1997 in Tirana.8
Since the initiative for setting up the AFRK was raised by DPK, due to the rivalry among the Albanian parties, members of these forces, although fully professionally trained, failed to attain more important positions within the KLA which the AFRK subsequently joined. However, the rivalry between the members of these two organizations still exists. KLA was founded by the most extreme members of the National Kosovo Movement (NKM) and the Popular Movement for Kosovo Liberation (PMKL), illegal organizations at the time, led by the members of so-called Marxist-Leninist faction.9
The first KLA armed groups in the region of Drenica were led by Adem Jashari of Donji Prekaz, and the membership was composed mainly of his close and distant relatives, usually persons prone to violent behavior and petty crime. Subsequently, they were joined by the former YPA officers and the Serbian police officers of Albanian extraction who refused loyalty to the state and its bodies, as well as participants in the armed conflicts in the regions of Croatia and Bosnia & Herzegovina with combat experience.
In spite of the fact that the initial membership of the organization did not have the necessary appeal to attract new members, KLA managed to become significantly large. This is primarily due to the advocacy for secession of K&M from the Republic of Serbia espoused by the leaders of the Albanian community who, in the light of the distinguished patriarchal relations, have the decisive influence on their compatriots. The terror enforced by the local terrorist organizations over “indifferent” part of the Albanian population had an almost identical effect. Organized in so-called “troikas”, the extremists visited the heads of the clans and threatened to liquidate some of those of who had refused to send members to KLA units.10 Strengthening of KLA was substantially helped by crime money and the support of Albanian diaspora.
In March 1999, the German police reported that the increase in the heroin trade on the markets of Germany, Switzerland and the Scandinavian countries pursued by the Albanians coincided with the strengthening of KLA. It was concluded that KLA had developed from a lightly armed peasant army consisting of different age groups into a power with tens of thousands of troops armed with rocket launchers, anti-armor weapons and AK-47 rifles.11
KLA troops were the largest during NATO bombing when they were 20,000 strong. The brigades were founded which operated, without any significant coordination among them, in seven operational areas: Drenica, Patrick, Dukadjin, Shalja, Lab, Nerodimlje and Karadak (maps 1, 2 and 3). The Central Command was set up with the arrival of Agim Çheku to the position of the chief of staff. At the same time, territorial rearrangement was conducted resulting in disappearance of Nerodimlje as an area of operation.
Upon transformation of KLA, about 5,000 troops remained in the military structures supervised by international forces, mainly in the ranks of KPC.12 Since KLA headquarters and almost full KLA command staff were taken over by KPC, headed by Agim Çeku, it appears logical that the formation has maintained the organizational and operational core of KLA (map 4).13 Engagement of these people, former terrorists, who continued, within the legal institution,
Soon after KPC had been set up, in the OSCE report of November 1999 evidences were presented proving that some criminal acts and abuse of the population were committed by the members of KPC. This was subsequently substantiated by the UN representatives in K&M who stated that they were familiar with the facts of direct involvement of some KPC representatives in the acts of terrorism committed in the region.14
In addition to the political motives, the formation of the Liberation Army of Preševo, Medveđa and Bujanovac (LAPMB) and the National Liberation Army (NLA) in charge of the initiation of armed conflicts in the south of Serbia and western Macedonia in the late 1999 was also influenced by the need of the Albanian terrorist leaders to channel the activities of a large number of idle KLA members. In the stated organizations, the command was taken over by persons from the local communities who had received KLA military training and acquired the necessary experience.
In the middle of 2003, members of UN police in K&M came to the conclusion that from November 2000 the activities of the Albanian extremist groups were expanding to the south of Serbia and to western FYROM where the territory of K&M was used as the sanctuary and base for enforcing these destabilizing operations.
The same, basically criminal mode of recruitment was used in the field, in an effort to convince the people that the amount of their national-patriotism corresponded to the number of the members. The criminal behavior of the members was manifested in a forceful seizure of property from civilians, particularly cargo vehicles and luxury cars, allegedly for the needs of the “liberation struggle”.15
In the course of 2001, armed conflicts between Albanian terrorists and security forces in the south of Serbia were intensified. They were planned and were given logistic support by some members of KPC command, located in Gnjilane.16 Also, some more members of KPC, engaged in the performance of concrete terrorist actions, were identified among the LAPMB members.
Shefqet Musliu, up to then just a local criminal, was the LAPMB commander, with headquarters in Dobrosin, while the regional headquarters was situated in Char (commander Muhamet Xhemaili, aka Robeli) and Breznica (commander Ridvan Çazimi, aka Leshi). Major concentrations of terrorists were also present in Muhovac, Končulj and regions of Veliki and Mali Trnovac.
The KPC regional command and operative system provided the complete logistics for the activities of LAPMB and NLA. This was accomplished by having the members of KPC on the territory of K&M, recruiting new members for these organizations, training them and transfering them permanently to the regions of crisis.
Although they were obliged to hand in all available arms to the KFOR forces, KPC members retained a substantial part of the arsenal and left it to be used by the LAPMB and NLA terrorists. These weapons found their way to the illegal market of K&M thus additionally contributing to the intensification of all forms of criminal activities in the region.
The LAPMB activities were mostly funded by illegal trade in cigarettes and drugs in Greece, FYROM, K&M and Montenegro assisted by several legally registered companies in the region.17 A part of the proceeds was directed to funding of several camps in K&M where terrorists were trained and used for the procurement of modern arms and for paying the fees of professional military instructors from some western countries.
Weapons and military equipment for LAPMB were supplied by the smuggling of arms carried out by some members of the organization who did it for their own profit although a part of the proceeds was set aside for the organization itself. The said goods were brought in through illegal channels, but also via border crossings with Albania and FYR Macedonia, such as Đeneral Janković, Jazince, Tchafa Prushit, Morina and Tropoja.
Some members of LAPMB bought arms from the members of KPC who have established, together with former KLA members, their own channels for illegal trade, over the territory of K&M.18 After LAPMB had been demilitarized, some of the commanders organized illegal transport of a part of the arms to the territory of FYR Macedonia for the needs of NLA, whereby some of them generated substantial profits for themselves.19
Immediately after the demilitarization of LAPMB, its members, pretending to be the refugees from the south of Serbia in K&M, trying to avoid possible criminal responsibility for their participation in terrorist attacks, established the Liberation Army of East Kosovo (LAEK)20 in Gnjilane. Expectations that this formation would continue the fight to annex Preševo, Bujanovac and Medvedja to independent Kosovo, initiated by LAPMB, did not come true, since this group has not, so far, recruited mass membership.21
After the official disbanding of KLA had been announced in October 1999, activities of about 40 armed groups of Albanians (with 10 to 300 active members, usually from the ranks of former KLA and individuals with criminal background) were recorded in the territory of K&M in different intervals.
Most of these groups were set up upon the initiative or through direct engagement of Rustem Mustafa, aka commander Remi, Fatmir Humoli and some KPC officers who operate under the supervision of Hashim Thaqi, Ramush Haradinaj or the so called Albanian secret services established in K&M.22
The members of these groups focused their activities on intimidation of Serbian population and ethnic cleansing of the territory of K&M, liquidation of potential witnesses for possible Hague indictments against Albanian terrorists and elimination of political opponents and their collaborators.
Activities of the groups called “Ideali”, “Skifteri”, “BIA”, “Kashtjela”, “Large Eagles”, “Black Hand”, “Eagle‘s Eye”, “Black Eagles”, “Black Tigers”, “Zjari”, “Akatana”, “Siguria Vendit”, “Homeland Security”, “National Flag” etc. were particularly prominent.

2. Characteristics of ANA activities

In an effort to become the so-called umbrella organization of all Albanian terrorist and separatist groups in the region, ANA intensified its armed activities in 2003 which were accompanied by strong media coverage. The organization was founded in late 1999, but became more prominent in the second half of 2001.
In the course of disarmament of NLA in FYROM, the membership of which included also former members of KLA and LAPMB, the disarmament process was undermined at the very beginning by a mass transfer of the members of this organization to the ranks of the newly founded ANA without any administrative procedure whatsoever, by simple change of the badge on the uniform. In this way, Albanian terrorist continued their activities without any risk of sanctions by the international community that had pronounced NLA a terrorist organization, which was not the case with ANA.
ANA terrorists observe and monitor the movements and activities of the police forces and the army, set up headquarters, supply weapons for their actions and store them in special bases; they mobilize and train their members and provide for their transport to the site of action as well as their withdrawal to the safe territory.
From the organizational point of view, ANA is a military arm of a more comprehensive political group called the Front for National Unity of Albanians (FNUA) which also includes an intelligence service, called Albanian National Security (ANS), and Albanian National Fund (ANF) as the central financial body.23 FNUA was founded by the Revolutionary Party of Albanians of Tirana, whose sister party in K&M is a highly extremist UNICOMB (the Party of National Unity). Gafurr Adili, who uses an alias of Valdet Vardari, born in Kičevo, FYROM, is the FNUA president, while Idajet Beqiri, aka Alban Vjosa, who is the political secretary of FNUA of Albania, was a member of the Central Committee of the Labor Party, which was the only party in communist Albania at the time. The leadership of FNUA also includes several people from Albania,
among them some academicians and public figures.
Following a territorial principle, ANA is organized into “divisions” with command centers. So-called “Adem Jashari” division, with the seat in Gnjilane, has the mandate over the region of K&M and south of Serbia. In West FYROM, i.e. Ilirida, the “Skenderbeu” division is active, with command centers in Debar and Tetovo. Their commander uses an alias, Idriz Iljaku. The “Mallesia” division covers the region of the same name in Montenegro, with the command center located in Ulcinj and directly linked to the headquarters in Skadar, while “Çameria” division is in charge of the activities in the south Albania and in the north of Greece (map 5).
General Vigan Gradica is the ANA commander-in-chief, while Ekrem Asllani is the chief of staff. ANA leaders, most of them re-activated commanders of KLA, LAPMB and NLA, use the aliases of Ilir Vardari, Korab Hoxha and Valon Flamuri. Some retired or former officers of the Albanian Army also work for the ANA headquarters.24
Strategically and tactically, ANA prefers and pursues a guerilla style combat, with rapid attacks on the military and police formations in the regions of Preševo, Bujanovac and Medvedja, as well as on the territory of the FYRepublic of Macedonia, with combat participants retreating to their logistics base in Kosovo and Metohija, operating with the participation of some members of KPC. ANA arouses provocations and organizes attacks on the territory of K&M in order to urge Serbs to move out and discourage their organized return. In the foreseeable future, pursuant to the well-known scenario used in the south of Serbia and FYROM, this organization plans an expansion of armed conflicts to the territory of Montenegro as well as to the north of Greece, with the final objective of a unification of the territories they believe are historically theirs.
Operational forces of ANA in K&M and in the south of Serbia are composed of about 650 terrorists, most of them situated in the region of Kosovska Kamenica and Gnjilane where their permanent training camps are located.25 ANA members are equipped with light infantry weapons, hand-held rocket launchers, light portable anti-aircraft defense systems and are trained in the use of mines and explosives, as well as the electronic equipment.
Parts of the terrorist organization are distributed all over Europe, since ANA has branches in many countries with the main task of raising the funds necessary to finance their operations, through ANF, with the seat in Zurich. Transactions take place on the Tirana – Debar – Priština route. Money is collected from the diaspora to the accounts of Daut Zuri in Vienna and the Karavan company in Tirana, owned by a Saudi businessman Jashin Kadi. The money from Saudi Arabia for the Karavan company is laundered in the construction companies “Mak Albania” and “Cement Albania”, owned by Abdul Latif Sala. The money is, subsequently, paid in the “Dardania” bank in Tirana, owned by Bujar Bukoshi. Ismet Krueziu, arrested by international forces in August 2002, used to transfer the money to K&M. His activities were connected with “Jeta”, an Islamic non-governmental organization funded by the Islamic Bank for Development in Tirana.
Procurement of arms and equipment for ANA is conducted by KPC, while the purchase itself is efected through some companies registered in Europe. Before his arrest, Daut Haradinaj, the former commander of “Dukadjin” territorial group, was the chief coordinator of these activities.
The action of mining the railroad bridge near Zvečan which was carried out in April 2003, showed that a certain number of KPC members were engaged in ANA.26 After the action, ANA was pronounced a terrorist organization by Michael Steiner and its operations were banned on the territory of K&M. The appearance of ANA members in the villages reminds one of the presence of KLA members in 1996 and 1997 when they used intimidation and later even liquidations to force Albanian population to join them in greater numbers.
Thus, in March 2003, members of ANA perpetrated a typical criminal execution when they murdered Adem Ahmeti, from the village of Prekaze, the Municipality of Srbica, and then attacked the family of Ramiz Fejzaj, from the village of Radavac, the Municipality of Peć, who was seriously wounded. This action was preceded by a written warning sent to Fejzaj to be loyal to the “national issue” and stop all contacts with the Serbs.
ANA publicly proclaims its connections with organized crime, as illustrated by the fact that after a bombing attack on the premises of the court in Struga, in early spring 2003, this terrorist organization undertook the responsibility for the attack stating it was a reaction to the arrest of two Albanian mafia bosses in FYROM.

3. Data on the victims of violence in K&M

Violence in K&M is inspired by ethnic, political and economic motives. The most numerous and the most savage in the execution were the attacks of the Albanians on the Serbs and Montenegrins provoked by national hatred and carried out for the purpose of ethnic cleansing. Obviously, a large number of these crimes were premeditated and the investigation results frequently point to the involvement of KLA, or ANA now. Nevertheless, very few perpetrators were discovered, as substantiated in the reports of OECD representatives in Priština.27
From the time of the arrival of international forces to K&M through August 23rd 2003, Albanian terrorist perpetrated the total of 6,571 attacks, out of which 5,962 on Serbs in Montenegrins in Preševo, Bujanovac and Medvedja, 207 on Albanians and 335 on people of other ethnic origins. In the same period, 1,206 persons were killed and, 1,319 civilians and 15 policemen were wounded. The fate of 846 persons, out of 1,156 kidnapped persons, is not known.
In the attacks in 2003, Albanian terrorists carried out 338 terrorist attacks (299 on the Serbs and Montenegrins, 34 on Albanians and 5 on people from other ethnic groups), a Serb was kidnapped (and subsequently murdered) and two Albanians (one managed to escape, while the whereabouts of the other are not known). An increasing number of murdered Albanian nationals, witnesses or potential witnesses against the accused members of KLA, is particularly frustrating.
The victims of these mafia-like crimes include Azem Musaj and Sadri Rexhaj, while Ilir Berisha of Janjevo, Rexhep Kelmendi of Peć, Sejdi Maloku of Obilić and others were also victims of these attacks.
Between July 20th and 26th 2003, as a retaliation for the sentences passed on a number of members of these groups of terrorists, explosive devices were thrown or planted at several locations in Priština, Podujevo, southern part of Kosovska Mitrovica, Lipljan, Kosovo Polje and other places. The targets of these attacks, among others, were the homes of Ibrahim Rugova and Nexhat Daci, leaders of DPK, whose prominent members have already been the targets of retributions with political background.
The existing rivalry between AFRK as a formation of professional soldiers and heterogeneous, criminalized KLA groups, i.e. ANA, as they call themselves now, is the underlying reason for a substantial number of the so-called political assassinations. Also, prominent members of DPK usually fall victims of these attacks.28

4. Organized crime

- Criminal activities in K&M

The expansion of organized crime in K&M is a direct consequence of the KLA terrorist activities, some of whose leaders have used their authority in this organization to establish control over illegal trade in the areas under their (para)military jurisdiction.29 Beside the drug trafficking, the organized criminal groups from K&M are also engaged in the illegal trafficking of weapons, cigarettes and other excise goods, stolen vehicles, together with the trafficking of people and human organs trade.
Very common among the Albanian organized crime activities are racketeering, blackmail and violence against both the members of the Albanian community in K&M and the Albanian migrant workers abroad who are forced to pay the so-called taxes to finance terrorist groups in this region.30 Intimidation and the expulsion of the Serbs and other non-Albanian population from K&M also appear to be an easy source of income as the sales of abandoned apartments and other real-estate generate huge profits to some families. Former leaders of KLA use some of the money made in this way to pay the arms suppliers and to provide for the salaries of “meritorious” soldiers and their families.
Confirming the fact that the Albanian criminals have also held the key roles in the organized crime activities in many European countries, especially in connection with the sale of drugs, the representatives of the Council of Europe have stated, in their 2000 Report, that the organized crime in K&M is connected with the former members of KLA and the criminals from the north of Albania. The findings of European officials show that, beside the previously described criminal activities, the trafficking in human beings, intimidation of the members of the police and the judiciary and ethnically motivated violence are also represented in K&M, where ethnic cleansing is considered a lucrative business. Out of the 28 murders committed in January 2000, 25% are in connection with organized crime, and a highly disturbing fact is that among the perpetrators of the crimes, including those that are ethnically motivated, there is a growing number of juveniles.31
The representatives of the Council of Europe pointed to corruption and its strong ties to organized crime, money laundering, economic criminal acts and the inefficiency of the financial institutions and tax policy as the key issues that troubled K&M. In addition to that, the courts are under-equipped, the number of judges and prosecutors is still small, their salaries are inadequate to maintain their independence, their safety cannot be guaranteed and therefore, they are under great pressure, so they can work efficiently only in those cases that are not connected with ethnic or political issues.
In 2000, the western media described K&M as “a gangsters paradise”, that is, as a territory the western leaders ever more often perceive as a base for organized crime, especially the drug trade.32
Most criminal activities in K&M are conducted by members of the family clans (“fis”) who control their respective territories. The clans are connected and closely cooperate with similar criminal groups from other European countries, especially from Turkey, Albania and Bulgaria, due to the fact that the main smuggling routes run through these countries.
The family structure is characterized by a strong inner discipline, which is achieved by a means of punishment for every deviation from the internal rules, so that the fear should guarantee an unconditional loyalty to the clan, with the provisions of the official laws considered to be secondary, not important and non-binding. Due to the fact that the clans are based on the blood ties, which is a factor that restricts the number of the clan members, the bonds between them are very strong, which makes getting close to and infiltrating into them almost impossible. Members of other ethnic groups can be accepted only to execute certain one time or secondary jobs. Moreover, the Albanian mafia families are organized in 3-4 or more levels, which enables them to preserve the organizational action capability even in case some of its members or groups is captured.
Most members of the criminal groups in K&M have been active in the ranks of KLA and other Albanian terrorist organizations, where they have been trained for the armed combat. Furthermore, they are known for the great flexibility when making arrangements with other, similar organizations (be they domestic or foreign), strong connections with local politicians and members of certain government agencies (the Customs, KPC and KPS), and their readiness and capability to perform complex operations across national borders due to the fact that they have strong support of the Albanian emigration community which is concentrated around different organizations and societies in Europe and the USA.33
With regards to organized crime, the territory of K&M is divided into three main spheres of interest: the regions of Drenica, Dukadjin and Lab where criminal activity is controlled by certain leaders of the former KLA who are now active in political structures, as well as by former close associates of KLA who had financed its operations34 (maps 6, 7 and 8).
The area of Drenica, located on the strategic routes which connect Montenegro with FYROM, through Prizren, Klina and Istok, towards Kosovska Mitrovica, in the region of Shalja, is controlled by so-called Drenica group, loyal to Hashim Thaqi. This group is mainly involved in arms trafficking, dealing in stolen vehicles, in human beings, excise goods and, above all, cigarettes and fuel. Through his family connections, Thaqi has direct control over the local institutions through which he provides and secures an unhindered performance of the said criminal activity. The Thaqi family has ties with the
Albanian, Macedonian, Bulgarian and Check mafia.
The territories of the Peć, Dečani and Djakovica municipalities make the Dukadjin zone, where the so-called Metohija group, led by Ramush Haradinaj, is active. The Haradinaj family is mainly oriented toward the illegal trade of weapons, drugs, excise goods and stolen cars, but also toward the racketeering of the Albanian population in K&M. Smuggled goods are distributed in FYROM, in the south of Serbia, the Raška territory and in Montenegro where it comes via the Peć-Kula-Rožaje route. Taking into consideration the close links between Ramush Haradinaj and the fighters of the former KLA, who joined KPC and KPS after it had been demilitarized, Ramush Haradinaj is in the position to have an indirect control over the border with these areas, as well as over the criminal and terrorist activities in this area.
The group loyal to Rrustem Mustafa, aka “Remi”, one of the most influential commanders of KLA and KPC, operates in the Lab area which is made up of the territories of the Gnjilane, Vitina and Kačanik municipalities.35 This clan is mainly oriented toward drug smuggling and is closely connected to the Haradinaj family.
In K&M there are also other families whose operations are oriented toward illegal trade and smuggling and who conduct the described activities in cooperation with, or under the supervision of, one of the listed chiefs – Thaqi, Haradinaj or Mustafa.
The Lluca family is connected with the Albanian mafia and pursues the activity of arms smuggling, of drugs and of excise goods (cigarettes, fuel). It operates under the wing of Hashim Thaqi and Ramush Haradinaj and of the Albanian mafia.
The Selimi family, together with the Lluca family, controls the smuggling of arms, drugs and vehicles in the Dukadjin area. Also they impose illegal taxation on the Albanians and intimidate the political opponents of DPK. They are connected with Hashim Thaqi.
The Kelmendi family has close ties with Ramush Haradinaj and controls the smuggling of drugs and fuel, trafficking in people and money laundering in the Peć area.
The Elshani family operations are focused on the smuggling of arms and fuel. It controls the Vitomirica area and is connected with Ekrem Lluca and Xhavit Haliti.
The Kitaj family is the leading criminal group which controls the area between Klina and Istok. It is involved in the smuggling of stolen vehicles and the sales of explosives in K&M.
The criminal clan of Suma operates in the area of Kačanik. Besides racketeering and blackmail, it is also involved in weapons and drugs smuggling from FYROM to K&M and vice versa. The members of the Suma clan are connected with the group led by Rrustem Mustafa alias “Remi” from Podujevo. The Syla clan coordinates a chain of organized crime active in K&M and FYROM and is concentrated on illegal imports of weapons, ammunition and other equipment.
The members of the Agushi family operate in the Klina area. They extort money from the Albanians whom they force to buy up previously stolen Serbian land and property in the previously mentioned Municipality and blackmail potential buyers.
The Geci clan is active in the Peć, Kosovska Mitrovica, Srbica and Priština municipalities. It runs the smuggling of fuel and is cooperating with Xhavit Haliti and the Selimi family.
The Babalija clan is operating in the area of Đakovica. In cooperation with Ramush Haradinaj it deals in fuel smuggling from Albania as well as in drugs trafficking (map 2).
Despite the fact that there has been a precise division of territory between the clans in which each family controls a certain area and the criminal activity within it, among some of the clans there is a rivalry whose origins lie in the political differences between them and the attempts of the groups to acquire more power in the respective region. Sometimes these clashes are so intense that they take on the form of a blood feud (vendetta) in which all members of the rival families are involved. A good example is the dispute between the clans Musaj and Haradinaj. This feud, caused by political differences and an attempt of the Musaj clan to take over the arms and narcotics trafficking business from the Haradinaj clan, resulted in the murder of Sinan Musaj, and, shortly afterwards, in the wounding of Ramush Haradinaj.3636 The execution of the members of the Kelmendi family by the Lluca clan shows the brutality which is inherent to the conflicts between the warring mafia clans. In that particular case, a woman was killed among others, what is not common in the conflicts between different Albanian groups, including vendettas.
The illegal drug trade, carried out on the K&M territory, grew as a part of the overall growth of the Balkan drug trafficking operations. This was a result of the lack of strong government institutions (the police and the judiciary) that would stop the infiltration and cut the drug routes, the existance of a legal vacuum created in the period between the arrival of the multinational forces and the establishment of a new legal system by the UNMIK administration, a control of the borders, rugged terrain and the poor economy that, all together, made the K&M an ideal place for the drug trade.
One of the channels through which drugs are transported from Turkey to Italy and then to Western Europe goes through Tropoja and the ports of Durachio and Valona in Albania.37 Certain amounts of heroin and cocaine are processed in the Albanian laboratories and from there they are transported to the village of Lužane, then to Muhovac and Veliki Trnovac in the south of Serbia, and to Montenegro, that is, to Tuzi and Ulcinj, whence they are distributed all over Europe. Unprocessed drugs from Albania end up in the region around Gnjilane and Prizren where there are two large laboratories for the production of socalled hard drugs (map 9).
The transfer of drugs is conducted over the official border crossings such as Djeneral Janković, Jazince, Qafa Prushit, Morina and Tropoja, thanks to the cooperation between the criminal groups and the customs officials, and the members of KPC and KPS. The arms which come from Albania are usually sold on the black markets in Junik and Djakovica.38
Because of the geographical links between the regions of Kosovska Mitrovica and Peć with Serbia and Montenegro this area represents the main transit route for illegal trafficking in cigarettes. One of the frequently used routes for this activity follows the line: Northern Kosovska Mitrovica – the village of Brnjak, Zubin Potok Municipality – lake Tabalije – the village of Starčevać – Ribarići – Novi Pazar – Kraljevo – Kragujevac – Trstenik.39

- Activities of the Albanian mafia around the world

Up to the beginning of the armed conflicts in former Yugoslavia, most of the European market and a smaller part of the USA market have been supplied with narcotics smuggled via the so-called Balkan route. From the countries of origin (Pakistan, Iran, Afghanistan) and Turkey, where the raw materials for the narcotics were processed, this road led through Greece, Bulgaria, former Yugoslav republics (Serbia, Croatia, Slovenia), Romania, Hungary, the Czech Republic and Slovakia, all the way to the final destinations in Austria, Germany, Italy, Switzerland and other Western European countries (map 10).
When fighting erupted in this area, Albanian mafia created new routes for the drug trafficking towards Western Europe, avoiding the conflict regions. In that way, two new, alternative routes were created: the southern one going from Turkey, through Bulgaria, FYROM, K&M and Albania to Italy and other Western European countries.40 The second, the northern one, goes from Turkey, through Bulgaria, Romania and Hungary to the Czech Republic, Slovakia and the Western European nations41 (map 11).
When the conflicts in Yugoslavia ended, the old Balkan route was re-established all over again, but the new channels for smuggling the drugs did not disappear and the smuggling network was greatly expanded. All American agencies fighting against the drug trade estimate that, along with the Turkish, the criminal groups of the Kosovo Albanians are the most important drug smugglers in Europe.42 These groups have been described by experts as extremely violent and involved, also, in the international arms trade, with more and more substantial evidence of their criminal activity in the USA.
The fact that as early as the mid-80s members of the criminal groups were highly organized and represented a serious threats to the representatives of the judiciary who were prosecuting them testifies to the strength of the Albanian mafia in the USA. At that time the American police stated that the members of the Albanian mafia were involved in all kinds of criminal activities (extortions, robberies, arms trafficking, shootings, running of illegal gambling operations in certain parts of New York etc.)
The main criminal activity of the Albanians in the USA was drug trafficking, and the American experts for fighting this type of crime had even then issued a warning that, in only a few years, these criminal groups could take over 25% to 40% of American heroin market.
From the mid-90s, Albanian criminals from the USA were helping the activities of KLA in K&M by raising funds to purchase the weapons needed by this terrorist organization. At first, the fundraising was conducted secretly and later a branch of the “Fatherland Calls” (Zeri e atdheut) fund was also established in the USA to channel financial support to the members of KLA through the bank accounts in the USA and Canada and many other Western European countries. In addition, money was being transferred directly through emigrants – couriers, who came to K&M.
Together with the collection of the money, Albanian emigrants in the USA organized shipments of humanitarian aid and weapons and sent volunteers to joined the units of KLA in K&M.43
American intelligence sources warned of the possibility of the “Columbian Syndrome” developing in the Balkans which means that the Albanian mafia could become strong enough to take over the control of one or more areas in which the Albanian population is predominant. At the time it was noted that, in the political arena, the effect was already accomplished by directing the profits from the narco-terrorism to the local governments and political parties. The Democratic Party of Albania (DPA – PDSh), in power at the time, was suspected of tolerating and directly profiting from the drug trade and financing secessionist political parties and other groups in K&M and Macedonia.
The Party for Democratic Prosperity (PDP – PPD) and other Albanian parties from FYROM, such as the ultra nationalist National Democratic Party (NDP – PKD), together with the Albanian parties from K&M have been accused of using “laundered” money generated through narco-terrorism. In all three cases, money made through crime was often disguised as emigrant donations, with the estimate that the profit from narco-terrorism directed to the south of the Balkans in 1993 had reached the sum of 1 billion dollars. The same sources claimed that, in addition to the purchase of mafia “protection”, this money was being used for achieving popularity among the people, through alleged patriotism, but also for other criminal activities, above all for the purchase of guns.
On the continent of Europe, the Albanians from K&M hold more than 80% of the heroine trade, their dealers are located in at least half the European countries and they smuggle 4 to 6 tons of heroin monthly amounting to two billion US dollars a year. The Interpol data show that in 1999 the Albanian mafia earned 38 million dollars from the drug trade, in 2001 fifty and in 2002 seventy million US dollars. The Interpol statistics also shows that during 1997 out of all arrested heroin smugglers, Albanians accounted for 14%, but that the average amount of heroin found on non-Albanian dealers was 2 grams, while the Albanians were found in the possession of 120 grams on the average.44
Profits of the Albanian drug lords reach the amount of one billion USD, with the turnover in K&M amounting to USD 125 to 150 million, of which KPC receives USD 25 million. Hashim Thaqi receives USD 5 million as his share. Out of the total amount of drugs that enter the global market, as much as 65% crosses the K&M territory, while 90% of the heroin distributed in the European market is smuggled through this region.
The Drug Enforcement Administration (DEA) recognized Albanians in K&M as the second most important drug traffickers in the world market.
The French Geopolitical Drug Observatory published a report containing evidence that the Albanian drug lords were crucial players in the widespread operations called “drugs for weapons”, while several Albanian dealers arrested in Western Europe confessed to have procured the arms for KLA in K&M.45 This kind of trade was also confirmed by the European Union, at the meeting held in 1994 in Brussels.
German anti-drug agents underline the fact that Albanians have organized one of the largest organizations for drug trafficking in Europe and that the profits generated by the illicit trade are laundered in 200 private banks and exchange offices. Representatives of the Italian police state that the Albanian mafia in the country, due to their violence and numerous membership, has managed to suppress Turkish drug traffickers and become a partner to several Italian mafia organizations, including Cosa Nostra, Camora di Napoli, Ndrangheta di Calabria and Sacra Corona Unita in the region of Puglia. Besides, the Albanian traffickers have soon progressed from the status of couriers to that of the organizers of contraband networks who, in their turn, now hire couriers from the ranks of criminals of other nationalities.
The seat of activities of Albanian drug lords is in Calabria, Italy, while Milan is the main business center. The major lords of these organizations invest their illegally acquired assets into beauty parlor chains and shops not only in Italy, but also in Great Britain and other Western European countries. In addition to the drug trafficking, Albanian criminals in Italy are also involved in prostitution, racketeering, widely spread arms deals, as well as in the organization of begging and pick pocketing for which, with permanent abuse and intimidation, they use the children purchased from their parents in Albania at the price of USD 1,000 per child.
In the Ticino canton, on the border between Italy and Switzerland, it is the Albanians who are in total control of the smuggling of drugs and people. In 1995, some 2,000 Albanians charged with drug trafficking were incarcerated in the Swiss penitentiary institutions. According to the reports of the Swiss police, the proceeds of the illicit trade were used for the procurement of “Kalashnikovs” (AK-47) and “Uzis” (Israel-manufactured sub-machine guns) in Bern and Berlin.
In March 1992, a representative of the Swedish Police Intelligence Service confirmed that this Service believes there are connections between drug trafficking and KLA. Based on an analysis conducted in 1998 by officials of the Swedish and Norwegian Security Forces in relation to the heroin seized in the last two years, it was evident that Albanians accounted for 80% of the drugs traded, with the proceeds used for the procurement of arms for KLA. In 1999 the Police in Bratislava and Budapest discovered warehouses for thousands of kilos of heroin. Besides, larger quantities of pure cocaine were also seized by the police from the Albanian traffickers.
In June 1998 over 50 Albanians from K&M were arrested in Spain, involved in almost 1,000 robberies and laundering operations for the money obtained from robberies on the territory of Germany. Several days later, a group of 70 Albanians was also arrested under suspicion of drug trafficking, money laundering, robberies and possession of forged documents.
In 1998, a Greek representative in Interpol filed a report stating that Albanians from K&M represented the main source of cocaine and heroin supply in illegal markets of the world. Besides, in the course of 2000, Interpol received information suggesting that in FYROM, along the FYROM-Greek border, synthetic drugs were manufactured, while in Albania cannabis was produced for the Greek market, with the Albanian criminals collaborating with the Greek ones in the organization of the drug shipment to Greece. In a joint action of Italian and FYROM police, conducted in 1993 and 1994, a group of drug dealers was discovered in Skopje, when 42 kg of pure heroin was seized. Also, it was stressed that this amount was only a small part of the total quantity of heroin that Albanian smugglers ship via FYRM.
In 2002, representatives of the Czech security forces announced that Albanian organized crime had started their activities in the drug trade and trafficking in human beings in this country in the early 90‘s. According to their reports, Albanians from K&M were quick to establish contacts with the local politicians, civil servants and police officials who, because of their meager wages, were easily corrupted and provided them with the working and permanent residence permits. Besides, Albanian started purchasing real estate along the borders with Austria and Germany and establishing catering facilities some of which were later transformed into brothels and also used, during armed conflicts in K&M, as transit points for smuggling arms and ammunitions for KLA.
In 1995, representatives of the Czech police in Prague stated that the Albanians had managed to make the Czech Republic one of the target destinations for heroin trade and to flood the country with the drug. In March 1999, the Czech police arrested one of the drug lords, Prince Dobroshi, who appeared to have been present at the celebration organized in Prague on the occasion of an outstanding award presented to Ibrahim Rugova. The search of Dobroshi‘s apartment resulted in the discovery of papers confirming the procurement of the arms for KLA.
In the trafficking in human beings, Albanians have a complete control over the transfer via the Balkans to Greece, using the same routes used for drug trafficking into the country. Albanian mafia has established strong connections with Turkish, African and Italian criminals for all operations related to illegal immigrants who are occasionally used as couriers for drug transport. In addition to the Albanian nationals and the Albanians from K&M, migrants from Turkey, Pakistan, Sri Lanka, China and other countries are recruited for the purpose.46
Albanian groups are mainly responsible for the shipment of illegal immigrants from the Albanian coast, across the Adriatic Sea, to Italy. They usually set off in Vljora, or from Durs or even Ulcinj, in the south of Montenegro. In 1999 as many as 10,000 persons were smuggled into the EU countries via Albania. Smuggling illegal migrants is an important source of revenue for Albanian criminal groups, although it cannot be compared with the drug trafficking which, it is believed, earned them USD 50 million in 1999.47
At any moment about 4 million illegal immigrants are on the move. On a global scale, the 1999 earnings of individuals and the trafficking networks was estimated at USD 3 – 10 billion. Interpol has unequivocal indications on the involvement of organized crime in each segment of the travel of illegal migrants. Recently, Albanian have revived the trade in stolen cars and have re-established the networks for their transport from Italy, Switzerland, Germany, the Czech Republic and Poland to K&M, whence some of them are sent further.
According to Interpol reports, trafficking in women and enforced prostitution have become important for the Albanian mafia in 1999 when thousands of women left K&M and went to Albania because of armed conflicts in the region. The Albanian prostitution networks increasingly involve women of other nationalities, such as women from Romania, Moldova, the Russian Federation, Bosnia and Herzegovina and other countries. The pimps usually state that they originate from K&M in order to obtain the status of political refugees although actually most of them come from Albania and not from K&M. Some Albanians control these operations from abroad, where Belgium is the seat of some of the bosses of this activity (map 12).
Representatives of the Council of Europe believe that the rise of prostitution in K&M resulted, among other things, from the presence of a large number of international troops and civilians in the region. According to the reports of the International Organization for Migrations (IOM), thousands of women and girls from Eastern Europe are taken by force and brought to K&M for sexual exploitation and forced prostitution. Besides, trafficking in women takes place within K&M as well as from it.

- Influence of criminal factors from the Republic of Albania.

Albania is the largest money laundering and drug trafficking center in the Balkans. The proceeds generated from the drug trade were channeled through the pyramidal savings schemes, the breakdown of which led to the drastic political unrest in that country in 1997. The ensuing anarchy in the country made it possible for the Albanian drug mafia to develop their operations to an unprecedented level.
The link of terrorism and organized crime in K&M was established under the strong influence of certain political factors in the Republic of Albania, suspected of corruption and connections with criminal organizations. It is important not to overlook the fact that KLA expansion coincided with the rule of Sali Berisha who is believed to be “tolerant” to drug trafficking, more so since DPA maintains close links with Hashim Thaqi even now.
Groups dealing in organized crime in the Republic of Albania have a significant influence on the decisions made by the government and by political parties. In the town of Skadar and its surroundings, paramilitary organizations of Albanian drug lords and arms dealers have better and more modern equipment than the Albanian Army. Mafia groups frequently assist individuals to get to power, but once they are at the position of power, they have to “pay the debt”, so that mafia groups can control operations of the governmental bodies, primarily the police, in order to maintain their privileged status.
In addition to the strongest and most dangerous mafia clan known as Kula, which controls a part of the drug trade from Turkey and deals with trafficking in arms and illegal immigrants to Italy, the Abazi family is also engaged in the trafficking in drugs and arms, while the Borici clan works together with the Italian criminal gangs engaged in illegal drug trade and in prostitution. The Brokaj group, engaged in drug and arms trafficking, as well as in prostitution, is particularly interesting since its membership is composed of former Sigurimi Secret Service officials.
In this region several other organized groups are active, like: Halkaj, Kerkiku, Caushi, Shehu, Kakami and Hasani.
Although the former communist regime in the Republic of Albania had also expressed territorial pretensions, primarily toward the territory of K&M, the military activities of KLA are openly supported by the Tirana government. During that period, Albania was a logistics base for terrorists from K&M, as well as a busy transit region for trafficking in arms, drugs and excise goods. During the civil unrest in Albania in 1997, a large number of arms and ammunition was taken out of the arsenals of the Albanian Army and shipped, for the largest part, to FYROM and K&M.48 The weapons originating from Albania were usually sold at very low prices, at the black market of Junik and Djakovica. Because of the easy accessibility of these weapons to the general public, additional favorable conditions were created for both the escalation of terrorism in this region and the development of all forms of crime, including organized crime.49
After the termination of armed conflicts in K&M, as suggested by the officials of the Albanian Ministry of the Interior, the most wanted criminals in their country went to the territory of K&M in order to avoid arrest. Accordingly, a large number of crimes perpetrated on the territory of K&M may be attributed to the nationals of the Republic of Albania who are frequently in conflict with the criminal gangs of K&M Albanians.
The conflict in Kosovo and Metohija and the problems with the refugees in Albania, resulted in a large inflow of financial aid from the West. Albanian organized crime, with their connections with the official regime in Albania, greatly profited from these sources estimated at about USD 163 million.

5. The Role of Albanian Emigration

Albanian emigration in Switzerland, Germany, Belgium, Holland and the USA operated via a number of illegal organizations of extremists recruiting Albanians and sending them to K&M to join KLA, while some of them organized, on the territory of their respective countries, the centers for military and terrorist training of already recruited troops. Albanian emigration in Switzerland, particularly the leading members of former KLA and NKM, sponsored new activities of terrorist in the south of Serbia and in FYROM.

Activities of Albanian emigration consists of collecting of the large amounts of financial means necessary for the procurement of arms and equipment to the terrorist groups. The moneys are collected in an organized manner, by direct contributions, or by payments for alleged humanitarian needs of the Albanian population.50 The deposited amounts are transferred, via selected banks or illegal channels, to Albania and K&M and, in some cases, the money is carried by “couriers” which is described as the “home visit”. In the said countries, the members of Albanian emigration were exposed to torture by the members of Albanian mafia to ensure enforced collaboration and, in this way, support to terrorism in K&M, the south of Serbia and in FYROM.
Interpol reports suggest that a certain number of persons granted the status of refugees from K&M in Western Europe or North America, were very carefully selected by the Albanian mafia and directed to stay in the host country ready to become, at some future date, the links with criminal activities. The power of Albanian mafia is based on the obedience of the clans (“fis”). A group of clans, up to 20, makes a mafia line, headed by a political leader. Albanian mafia is not a pyramid with a “godfather” at the top, but a series of pyramids with several “godfathers”.
Through the said humanitarian funds, the influential and financially powerful Albanian mafia clans launder the money generated from drug trafficking and other methods and activities of the mafia (blackmail, racketeering, extortion). According to the Interpol data, KLA and other Albanian groups use a sophisticated network of accounts and companies to forward the money where necessary. In 1998 Germany froze two bank accounts belonging to the “United Kosovo” organization after they had discovered that an Albanian from K&M, convicted for drug trafficking, deposited several hundreds of thousands of US dollars to the account.
The best known institution for organized collection of money for the procurement of arms and equipment for the terrorists in K&M is the “Fatherland Calls” fund founded in December 1993. It was registered in Germany, within the Albanian Democratic Community. Leaders of NKM and later of KLA were among the founding fathers. The fund has branches in 12 European countries and in the USA. The collected assets were used partly for training, equipment, arms and hiring of foreign mercenaries for KLA and partly for propaganda and hiring of lobbyists and influential groups in the Western ruling circles.51
In 1998, the obvious links of the activities of the Fund with the sale of arms in K&M made the governments of certain Western countries pass a decision putting a temporary ban on its operation. Analytical investigations suggest that Albanians in the diaspora transfer between USD 150 and 400 million to K&M through this fund, as voluntary contributions, illegal income tax and the proceeds from the drug deals. In an effort to collect as much financial assets as possible from the Albanians in the diaspora, FNUA opened branches of the Albanian National Fund in most Western European cities, which fact pointed to their ambition to set up an Albanian Bank of international reputation which would make it possible for the capital of Albanian mafia to enter the regular financial transactions.
The role of the Albanian lobby is of enormous importance for Albanian terrorists since their emigration is composed of 1.8 million Albanians worldwide.52 Rich and influential Albanians in the USA and Western European countries tried, in addition to providing them with financial support, to present KLA as a national movement, presenting their terrorist activities as liberation struggle of the Albanian people in K&M, which they succeeded to a substantial degree. In this respect, they made a stronghold with some western politicians and diplomats.

6. Pan-Islamic Factor

The presence of the radical Islamic factor on the territory of K&M has been confirmed by an active participation of mujahedins in the armed conflicts in Kosovo and Metohija within KLA formations, as well as by the activities of various Islamic humanitarian organizations. At the 16th Islamic Conference held in Pakistan, in October 1998, Albanian separatism in K&M was defined as jihad and the Islamic world was called to help with all available means this “fight for freedom on the occupied Muslim territories”. Referring to jihad, the terrorist organization of Osama Bin Laden announced terrorist attacks against the “infidels”, i.e. Great Britain, the USA, France, Israel, Russia, India and Serbia.
The presence of the radical Islam in K&M is illustrated by the fact that in 1995 Osama Bin Laden visited Albania as a guest of Sali Berisha, who was the President of Albania at the time, when bases for the logistic and financial support to the Al Khaida organization were set up, with cells in K&M. In addition to Bin Laden, the meeting was attended by Bashkim Gazideda, former head of secret police of Albania, Hashim Thaqi and Ramush Haradinaj. On the occasion, Bashkim Gazideda was elected into a group of Al Khaida leaders for the region of Balkan.53
Senator Pat Roberts, chairman of the Senate Security Commission, stated that the USA had evidence on the connections of KLA with Osama Bin Laden, as well as on the involvement of KLA members in illicit drug trade.
Intelligence circles in Albania confirm a strong presence of Bin Laden‘s network in this country, as well as the existence of their plans for attack on American citizens and facilities. The same sources have confirmed the presence of four groups of “Jihad Warriors” (from Egypt, Saudi Arabia, Algiers, Tunisia and the Sudan) in Northern Albania and the participation of their members in the conflicts in K&M, as parts of KLA forces.54
Fanatic Islamic fighters from Afghanistan, Algiers, Egypt, Chechnya, Iran and other countries were included into the command structures of KLA in K&M. In some instances, these radically oriented and highly professionally trained persons set up their independent units for special operations and tactical assignments. They participated directly in the taking of the territories and the cleaning-up operations, in kidnapping civilians and members of the police forces, in brutal tortures and murders. They were also hired as trainers for special training of some KLA formations.
In 1998, the State Department placed KLA on the list of terrorist organizations, substantiating it with the facts that KLA operations were sponsored by the proceeds of international drug sale and the loans from Islamic countries and individuals, among whom, apparently, was Osama Bin Laden himself. According to the information supplied by Interpol, another link with Bin Laden is the fact that Muhammed Al Zawahiri, a brother of Dr Yaman Al Zawahiri, the leader of the organization of Egyptian Jihad and an ideologist of Al Khaida, was the leader of an elite KLA unit in the conflict in K&M.55
In the region of Drenica, within KLA forces, in the period May through late June 1998, a combined unit of mujahedins, called “Abu Bekir Sidik” was operating, under the command of Ekrem Avdi of Kosovska Mitrovica. Activities of the “Abu Bekir Sidik” unit, that is, the procurement and illegal supply of arms were funded by organizations from Zenica (B&H) called “Islamic Balkan Center” and “Active Islamic Youth” (AIY).56 The unit was comprised of 115 mujahedins, of whom about 40 were foreign nationals (10 from Saudi Arabia, 2 from Egypt, 4 from Albania, 2 from England and one from Ireland, Scotland each, while the rest were the citizens of FYROM and B&H).57 A large number of fighters in the “Abu Bekir Sadik” of Albanian ethnic background returned to their places of residence in K&M after the unit was disbanded, while some tried to enter the territory of Albania.
On the occasion, in August 1998, the Security Forces of the Republic of Albania arrested Ekrem Avdija, Shpend Kopriva and Nexhmedin Laush and, subsequently, other members of the unit as well. Because of their terrorist activities, they were sentenced to long-term imprisonment, but in 2001, the whole group was pardoned under the pressure of international community. Soon after his release form prison, Ekrem Avdija continued to lead the organization named “Kosovo Islamic Bureau” that has, over a period of time, expanded the scope of its activities by setting up numerous branches in all larger towns of Kosovo and Metohija. Soon after that, he re-activated a group of mujahedins under the same name, “Abu Bekir Sidik”, with the seat in the southern part of Kosovska Mitrovica.
In addition to all this, the activities of NLA in Macedonia were supported by direct participation of about 150 mujahedins from Saudi Arabia, Afghanistan, Bosnia and Herzegovina and Turkey, as well as from Albania, FYROM and K&M who had previously lived in some other Arabian countries where they had been trained. The substantiating data were obtained at the time of the arrest of Sedula Morati, a member of the “Ismet Jashari” unit that operated in the regions of Kumanovo and Lipkovo. The transfer of the mujahedins to the territory of Macedonia was organized by Daut Haradinaj, in addition to others.58
Under the pretext of humanitarian activities, the “Albanian-Haramain” organization with the seat in Prizren transports weapons illegally, participates in the training and sponsoring terrorists and provides logistic support to Albanian extremists in K&M and FYROM. Most of the funds used to sponsor this organization come from Saudi Arabia.
“The United Saudi Aid for Kosovo” is an organization that provides arms for ANA membership. Eleven members of this organization were arrested by KFOR because of their connections with the international terrorist organization known as Al Khaida. “The Global Relief Foundation” is a nongovernmental organization with the fund of about one million US dollars, sponsored by Islamic countries. The head of the K&M office and two other activists were arrested by KFOR under suspicion of terrorist activities.59
Some representatives of the humanitarian organization “El-Yila” represent the main link between Islamic countries and terrorist in the south Serbia, K&M and FYROM and are engaged in the recruitment and transfer of terrorists to K&M and the south of Serbia.
Abu Muhamed and Yamel Lamprani, aka “Abu Musab”, who was, during the armed conflicts in Kosovo and Metohija, one of the trainers of “Abu Bekir Sidik” unit, are the respective heads of branches of the humanitarian organization “Igasa” in Skopje and Zagreb. Both of them used to study at the University of Belgrade and, in early nineties, were arrested as members of a religiousterrorist organization named “Islamic Salvation Front”. This organization, in collaboration with the Islamic resistance movement called “Hamas”, i.e. the radical wing of the organization called “The Muslim Brothers” gathered students from the Sudan, Algiers, Palestine and Egypt.
The assignments and tasks that used to be carried out by a humanitarian organization known as “Islamic Relief” were taken over by two Islamic organizations – “Humanitarian Islamic Foundation” of Saudi Arabia and “Bin Laden‘s Flowers”.60 Over a longer time period, the “Islamic Relief” recruited Albanian children without parents for suicidal terrorist actions. The recruitment of children was carried out in the Lion Hotel in Uroševac situated close to the premises of the organization. After the USA attacked Iraq substantial fall of activities in the organization ensued.61

“It is hard to prove the existence of organized crime in Kosovo, and even harder not to see the evidence supporting it!”
(State Department Official)

“It is hard to anticipate further development of Albanian organized crime. Since it is a recent phenomenon, its stability cannot be estimated. Nevertheless, future threats are real, having in mind mercilessness and unscrupulousness characteristic of Albanian criminal groups, already existing international connections, professionalism of their activities, as well as strong connections established on the basis of their common, ethnic Albanian origins. Additionally, strong positions of the Albanian criminal groups in Kosovo and Metohija, Macedonia and Albania itself are definitely the subject of concern
of international community, particularly when geopolitical instability of the
region and the presence of the UN peace-keeping forces are kept in mind”.
(Interpol)

The list of terrorists and members of the organized crime groups in K&M
(in alphabetical order) which is, like the list of their crimes, incomplete.

1. HAJDIN (Isuf) ABAZI, alias “Lum Haxiu”
Born on April 30th, 1959, in the village of Gadiš, Municipality of Gnjilane. Over the years of his emigration in Switzerland and Sweden, he was one of the most influential KLA members in Western Europe. Together with Elmi Reqica, he was the main link between the said organization in K&M and Albanian emigration and the KLA headquarters abroad. In this capacity, he was in charge of collection of financial resources through “The Homeland Calls” fund intended for KLA. In August 1998, the Swiss Government blocked the account of the above-mentioned fund due to a suspicion of its being used to finance terrorist activities in K&M. Out of the country, he was particularly engaged in the recruitment and illegal transfer of trained terrorist KLA groups via FYROM and Albanian territories to K&M. In 1998, he was directly engaged in the establishment of KLA crisis headquarters in the region of Uroševac. Together with Emrush Xhemajli, he established and commanded KLA forces in the region, as well as the detachments operating in Kačanik, under direct command of Zaim Gabrica and Ismet Sadiku, former Yugoslav National Army (YNA) officers. Together with his family members, he participated in criminal activities in the region of Uroševac. Several Albanians who attempted to resist their banditry, robbery and repression were killed upon his order. Additionally, he was an organizer and participant in a number of political assassinations of Albanians, primarily members of DSK. From the position of the president of the Municipality of Uroševac, he attempted to win over former KLA members for his criminal activities. Due to conflicts with his associates in DPK, in March 2003, he left K&M and is currently living in Sweden, in the city of Malmö.

2. EKREM (Bajram) AVDIJA, alias “Abus Akej”
Born on July 18th, 1971, in Kosovska Mitrovica After completion of the Madrasa (Moslem religious school) in Priština, Avdija entered the School of Theology in Medina, his scholarship paid by Saudi Arabia. He participated in the armed conflicts in B&H. He completed military training in the “Abu Bekir Sidak” recruitment teaching center of the mujahedins, in Jablanica near Tešanj (B&H), as well as the training in the “Host” campus in Afghanistan where he was learned to handle light infantry arms and the military tactics skills. In the course of his stay in B&H, Ekrem Avdiu was strongly influenced by Abdulah Duhajman, the manager of the “Islamic Balkan Center” in Zenica, and by Adnan Pezo, the president of the organization known as “Active Islamic Youth” (AIY) and, on the basis of the instructions received, he established “Islamic Bureau of Kosovo” in January 1998, with its head office in Kosovska Mitrovica. The above-mentioned Bureau was used as a cover for the transfer of the financial assets intended for ideological education and recruitment of Moslems for the armed forces. Citizens of other Islamic countries, i.e., Mujahedins who gained their war experience in B&H and Afghanistan, were systematically transferred to K&M, mostly through Albania. In May 1998, Avdia established a Mujahedin unit “Abu Bekir Sidik”. He appointed Shpendu Kopriva from Kosovska Mitrovica his deputy. He cooperated with KLA leaders, Sami Lushtaku, Sulejman Selimi and Adem Jashari, who supplied the “Abu Bekir Sidik” unit with arms and ammunition and provided instructions for specific terrorist activities. He was arrested together with Nexhmedin Llausha and Shpendu Kopriva in August 1998 by the police officers of the Republic of Serbia, when he attempted to cross illegally to the territory of Albania. A large quantity of weapons, hand grenades, bazookas and other military equipment was found with them, as well as a number of audio and video tapes with propaganda messages, mostly calls to Jihad – the holy war waged against non-Muslim population. Due to their terrorist actions, they were sentenced to long-term imprisonment. However, the whole group was granted amnesty in 2001 under the pressure of international community. After his release from prison, Ekrem Avdija continued to lead the “Islamic Bureau of Kosovo” which, in time, extended the scope of its activities through the establishment of numerous branches in all major towns in Kosovo and Metohija. He reactivated the “Abu Bekir Sidik” unit, with the seat in the southern part of Kosovska Mitrovica, which was joined by Shpendu Kopriva and Nexhmedin Llausha, as well as by Arif Krasniqi, from the village of Sibovce, Municipality of Obilić.

3. ALUSH (Sokol) AGUSHI, alias “Madjup”, “Krhac”, “Maljo” and “Dugme”
Born on June 20th, 1959, in the village of Drenovac, Municipality of Klina. As a member of the top KLA leadership in the Dukadjin zone of operations, he participated in the forced mobilization of Albanian population, the reception of weapons and the training of diversionary terrorist groups in the region of Klina. He participated in the attacks on the members of the Serbian Ministry of Internal Affairs and YA (the Army of Yugoslavia) forces (Jošanica, Biča, Grabac, Kijevo and Drenovac) with the help of a large number of his family members. On August 11th, 1998, Radovan Simović, from the village of Drenovac, was killed in his yard, while Vlado Stašić, from the village of Dugonjiva, was severely injured. In the same year, he organized attacks resulting in the killing of Oliver Zajić from the region of Klina, Grujica Šmigić, from the village of Drsnik, Dragan Stepić and Dragiša Kizić, as well as a number of members of the police force, while Desa Barović was injured in the region of the village of Jošanica. Together with the top members of KLA (Ramush Haradinaj, Lahi Ibrahimi and Idriz Balaj, alias “Toger”), Agushi was one of the key executors of genocide and the terror over Serbs and Albanians imprisoned in the village of Jablanica, Municipality of Klina. There is evidence and witnesses of their direct engagement in the kidnapping, torturing and liquidation of the prisoners kept in the above-mentioned prisons, whose bodies were subsequently dumped in the canal used for the filling of the Radonjić lake, as well as in a deserted well on the road from Jablanica to Žabelj, Municipality of Djakovica. Agushi was a commander of all other prisoner’s camps in the region of Klina. Brothers Radomir and Drago Voštić, from the village of Jelovac, Municipality of Klina, as well as Ivan Bulatović, member of the Serbian Ministry of Internal Affairs, were killed in the village of Likovac, which was also under Agushi’s command. After the mass departure of Serbs from Metohija, Agushi carried out a systematic and organized destruction of their property and led the activities directed toward the expulsion of the remaining Serbian population from the region. At the same time, he organized the destruction of the Orthodox monuments and churches in the region of the Municipality of Klina, in the villages of Dolac, Drsnik, Petrac and Grebenik, as well as the desecration of the graveyards in the villages of Drsnik, Drenovac, Dugonjive, Petrc, Zajmovo, Dolovo, Grebnik, Klina, Vidanje, Jagoda and Dolac. After the retreat of the Serbian forces from K&M, he ordered and executed the kidnapping and murder of Milorad Dobrić, Milić Bogićević, Božana and Vojislav Jovanović, from the village of Drenica, Municipality of Klina. He is one of the leading participants in the criminal activities in the region of Klina. Agushi extorts money from Albanian criminal groups which, one way or other, usually by force, acquire Serbian real estate and property, forcing them to pay him the commission. He also murdered a number of Albanians who refused to give him the money. He was appointed chief inspector in the Kosovo Protective Corps (KPC) and he remained in contact with Sulejman Selimi, aka “Sultan”, and the top leaders of KPC (Redxhep Selimi, Jetulah Gecaj, Gani Krasniqi – aka “Lumi” and Fatmir Limaj, indicted by the Hague Tribunal.

4. RASIM (Hamid) AGUSHI
Born on July 17th, 1962, in Drenovac, Municipality of Klina. He was a member of the General staff of Dukadjin operational zone, i.e., the commander of the KLA 3rd operational zone. He operated within the 131st Brigade “Mirta Zineli”. At the moment, he the KPC commander in Peć. As a member of a terrorist group, Agushi is responsible for more than 87 murders, 29 abductions, for the organization of the prisons located in the villages of Glodjani, Belanica, Likovac and Jablanica, in the Municipality of Peć, as well as for the rape and sexual harassment of a number of persons, and for the destruction of property. Additionally, he also participated in approximately 180 terrorist actions, including armed attacks on the villages of Ljodja and Babaloć in the middle of 1998. He actively participated in the forced expulsion of non-Albanian population from the region of Djakovica, Peć and Dečani, and is responsible for setting fire to the church in the village of Gornji Rasic. He was a direct participant in the terrorist action against the village of Drenovac, as well as in the armed attacks on the house of Jagoš Djuričić. Moreover, he was an accomplice in the murder of Dragomir Stepić from Drenovac, and of Milić Bogicević, Milorad Dobrić, Vojislav Jovanović and his wife, and four Roms, committed in the village of Draganovac, Municipality of Klina in 1999. He is accused of participation in the terrorist attacks on the members of Serbian Ministry of Internal Affairs in Klina, Municipality of Peć, as well as of the attack on the police station in Klina.

5. NAZMI (Adem) AJETI
Born on April 22nd, 1972, in Podujevo. After the arrest of the members of NPRK in K&M in 1993, Ajeti escaped from the country and fled to Switzerland where he established contacts with NPOK members. In 1994 he was sentenced, in absence, to 7 years of imprisonment. In 1998, after his arrival from Switzerland, he joined KLA forces. He was engaged, by Rustem Mustafa, in illegal supply of weapons and ammunition from Albania, inside the Lab zone of operations. After the removal of the Serbian forces from K&M, he formed a diversionary terrorist group, called “Red Hand”, for the purpose of ethnic cleansing of the Serbian and Montenegrin population from the region of Podujevo. Together with his above-mentioned brother, he joined the Liberation Army of Preševo, Medvedja and Bujanovac (LAPMB) and, in March 2001, he participated in the terrorist actions against the members of the Ministry of Internal Affairs and on YA forces. He is a drug addict.

6. HISNI (Izet) AHMETI, alias “His”
Born on July 27th, 1972, in the village of Šupkovac, Municipality of Kosovska Mitrovica. During the war in B&H, he was a member of the Muslim armed forces. He is one of the key persons engaged in the organization of KLA and its branches in the region of Kosovska Mitrovica, i.e., in the establishment of the operational zone Shalja covering the regions of the municipalities of Kosovska Mitrovica, Vučitrn, Obilić, Zubin Potok and Leposavić, with several thousands of well armed terrorists. Early in January 1999, he was appointed commander of the 141st KLA brigade and participated in almost every attack on the members of the Serbian Ministry of the Interior and on YA forces in the region. He was engaged in fundraising, procurement of arms and in the military and diversionary training. On June 24th, 1998, Ahmeti‘s terrorist group carried out an attack on the Serbs in the village of Pantina and kidnapped the married couple Čedomirka and Ratomir Miljković, whose fate is still unknown. On January 22nd, 1999, the same group kidnapped Miša Bigović, from the village of Nevoljane, from his workplace in “Elektrodistribucija” (Power supply company) in Vučitrn, as well as four members of Mialičković family, from Nevoljane, the same Municipality. The kidnapped persons were transported to KLA general staff in the village of Likovac, Municipality of Srbica, to be released after several days after intervention of the OSCE observers. In May 1999, members of the third platoon of the special unit within the operational zone of Shalja, killed 12 members of the Army of Yugoslavia, as well as Miroslav Špiric, from Vučitrn, on the Kosovska Mitrovica–Vučitrn road. The same group kidnapped Ljubomir Knežević, a correspondent of the daily “Politika”, on the bridge over the Sitnica river, and killed him after torturing him for days. In January 1999, together with Rahman Rama, Hisni Ahmeti organized and carried out an attack on YA forces in the region of Shalja, when 8 members of the military police were kidnapped. In the course of negotiations with the OSCE representatives, carried out in the region of Shalja, Rahman Rama refused to set the kidnapped soldiers free. In June of the same year, he took illegally the control over the distribution of oil derivatives in the region of Vučitrn and Kosovska Mitrovica, over the gasoline stations owned by “Beopetrol” and “Jugopetrol”. Since February 2000, these facilities have been under UNMIK control. Following the establishment of the KPC, Rama was appointed commander of the 4th Regional territorial group (RTG), with its seat in Kosovska Mitrovica, with Hisni Ahmeti as his deputy.

7. ABDULAH (Muharem) BABALIJA
Born on May 22nd, 1967, in Djakovica. As a commander of the 137th KLA brigade, Babalija was the organizer of the attacks on the members of the Serbian Ministry of Internal Affairs in the Municipalities of Djakovica and Dečani, where several members of the police and military forces were ambushed and killed. Among others, his group was in charge of intimidating, kidnapping and killing the remaining Serbs, as well as in charge of the destruction of their property in this region. Upon his order, a number of Serbs were abducted and taken over into the terrorist base in the village of Glodjani, where they were murdered after extended torture and maltreatment. Five members of the Šutaković family from Djakovica were among them. A group of terrorists led by him carried out a number of attacks in the residential area of Čabrat, in Djakovica, in 1999, when several civilians and three police and YA members were killed, while ten persons were more or less seriously injured. Moreover, he is responsible for the mining and demolition of the Orthodox church in the central part of the town of Djakovica. In order to achieve a total control over the town, he organized “private” traffic police and a guard in Djakovica, as well as bodyguards in public institutions and companies (through the firms “Besa Security” and “K.P.S. Jaguara Security”). Together with some members of the KPC, he was engaged in the smuggling of weapons and in extortion. In 2002, Ramush Haradinaj appointed him commander of the 332nd KPC brigade in Djakovica. Soon after, he was transferred to Peć. There are some indications of his personal conflict with Daut Haradinaj.

8. MASAR (Ferhat) BAKIJA
Born on February 18th, 1953, in Djakovica Joined the illegal paramilitary organization of “National Front” in 1991. As a reserve officer and an employee of the Territorial Defence in Djakovica, he was in charge of the preparation of the plans, drafts, organizational and military establishments, etc. After joining KLA, he soon became high ranking officer in the command hierarchy and thus kept regular contacts with the terrorist group of Hekuran Hoda, which carried out terrorist actions in the region of Djakovica, following his instructions. Moreover, he was the leader of the terrorist group named “Black caps”, which operated in the region of Djakovica. After the withdrawal of the Serbian military and police forces and the formation of KPC, he was appointed “chief of operations”, with headquarters in Dečani, with the rank of a major. From the position, he kept under control all KPC bases in the region of Metohija. As a high ranking KPC officer in the region of Djakovica, he established contacts with the representatives of Islamic organizations from Saudi Arabia, as well as with the group composed of about 40 mujahedins who participated in the armed conflicts in K&M against the Serbian security forces.

9. IDRIZ (Halil) BALAJ, alias “Toger”
Born on August 8th, 1952, in the village of Iglarevo, Municipality of Klina. He was a commander of the special KLA unit known as “Black eagles”, formed by him upon the order of Ramush Haradinaj and operating within the 131st brigade of the Dukadjin operational zone, and later on as the deputy commander of the guard of the RTG KPC, with the rank of a major. He was arrested by UNMIK police on August 11th, 2002. Together with Ramush Haradinaj, he was involved in the murder of about 40 persons, whose bodies were dumped into the canal of the Bistrica river. Additionally, he is responsible for the crimes committed in the region of the above-mentioned operational zone. Together with Daut and Bujar Hardinai and Arben Ahmetaj, he led a terrorist group which carried out armed attacks on the members of the Serbian Ministry of Internal Affairs near the village of Jablanica, Municipality of Djakovica, and on the members of the Serbian Ministry of Internal Affairs and the YA forces in the villages of Glodjane and Donji Ratiš, Municipality of Dečani, on October 17th, 1998, and November 16th, 1999, near the village of Došinovica, Municipality of Dečani. In June 1999, he kidnapped Milorad Jovanović, a pensioner, Djordje Kuzmanović, a worker employed at the Public Enterprise PTT of Serbia, and Vladimir Vulević, from Peć, who have been lost ever since. He is the organizer of the forced deportation of the population from the region of Djakovica, Peć and Dečani, and the perpetrator of the burning down of the church in the village of Gornji Ratiš. He was particularly known for his cruelty in torturing and murdering his victims, dismembering them with a tractor. He damped the remains of the corpses in the canal of the Radonjić lake. He was also known among the Albanian population as a perpetrator of the crimes against his fellowmen. In late 1998, he killed Agim Ibrahimi, a taxidriver from Djakovica. He is also responsible for the killings of Cvetko Novović, from the village of Nabrdje, Municipality of Peć, and of his wife, and for the imprisonment of Osman Berisha and Ujkan Avduli, also from Peć, and of Vukašin Šćekić, who were kept imprisoned and physically tortured for an extended period of time. In the late 1999, he kidnapped Vesel Murishi and four other ethnic Albanians. He kept them detained in the “Dukadjin” building in Peć for some time, killed four of them while Murishi managed to escape. A number of the kidnapped persons were tortured and murdered in the village of Ruhot. Their bodies were dumped in the Beli Drim river. Xhafer Gjuka, a political functionary from Peć, was among the victims. Additionally, Balaj was publicly accused of the disappearance and murder of a number of Albanians from the region of Metohija. He is a suspected accomplice in the murder of Ismajl Hajdari, a DSK member on January 17th, 2002, in Peć. Idriz Balaj belongs to the criminal organization known as “Dukadjini”, led by Ramush Haradinaj. He is one of the important organizers of the smuggling of arms from Albania to Macedonia and Serbia and Montenegro, along the Peć-Kula-Rožaje route. He did all this in cooperation with Ramush and Daut Haradinaj and Xhavit Haliti. He is close with the Elshani family since he cooperates with its members in illegal oil trade. On January 20th, 2001, unknown persons tried to assassinate Balaj by planting an explosive device at the his house entrance, when Idriz Balaj, his wife Teuta and a son, Sulejman, were seriously injured.

10. AFRIM (Hamdi) BASHA
Born in 1971 in the village of Vranić, Municipality of Suva Reka. He lived for some time in Switzerland and was one of the participants in the war in Croatia and an instructor in the training of terrorists from K&M organized in the Republic of Albania. As a member of a terrorist group in the village of Vranić, he participated in numerous KLA attacks on the police forces (in Lapušnik – Municipality of Glogovac, in Ovčarevo – Municipality of Srbica, in Crnoljevo – Municipality of Štimlje, in Banja – Municipality of Mališevo and in Ladrovac). For a time, he was the leader of the group in charge of liquidation of the members of the Serbian Ministry of Internal Affairs and of ethnic Albanians loyal to the Republic of Serbia from the region of Suva Reka and Prizren. To this end, he was in charge of selecting the targets and made a list of persons for liquidation. Among others, the list included Miško Nišović, a state security member from Prizren, Agim Shahiti, a members of the Serbian Ministry of Internal Affairs from the village of Sopina, Selim Selmani, former police officer, Sahit Zogaj, former security member from Miliševo, Bekim Sahiti, from the village of Trnje, who was brutally murdered by Basha and the members of his group. Early in September 1998, he kidnapped a member of the police forces from Orahovac, transported him to a prisoner’s camp located in the village of Timičina, Municipality of Suva Reka, where he was ruthlessly tortured. A number of Serbs and Albanians from the said region were detained in this camp.

11. SOKOL (Mujo) BASHOTA
Born on March 7th, 1966, in the village of Cerovik, Municipality of Klina. As a political representative of KLA, he participated in the negotiations in Rambouier. Bashota is one of the KLA organizers in the regions of Drenica, Klina and Orahovac. He participated in the organization of a number of terrorist attacks on the members of Serbian Ministry of Internal Affairs and the YA forces, as well as on the Serb civilians in the villages of Jošanica, Biča, Dobra Voda, Čabić, Kijevo, Iglarevo, etc., together with Rexhep Selimi, Jetulah Gecaj, Sulejman Selimi and Alush Agushi. Together with Rexhep Selimi and Mujo Krasniqi, from the village of Čabić, he organized the assassination of Mehmet Gashi, from the same village, and Isuf Haliti, from the village of Zabrdje. He is an organizer and direct participant in the kidnapping and liquidation of Desimir Jevtić from Zvečan, and in the terrorist attack on the police department in Kijevo, Municipality of Klina, and the attack on the family of Djordje Belić, in which Belić was killed, and the attack on the Serbs in the village of Djurdjevik. In these attacks, he was accompanied by Shaban Mangjolli, Alija Berisha, Naim Raci, Bashkim and Flamur Berisha, all of them from the village of Veliki Djurdjevik, Municipality of Klina. He organized and directly participated in the terrorist attack on the family of Ramadan Balaj, from the village of Iglarevo, as well as in the kidnapping and liquidation of Hetem Dobruna, from the village of Lozica, Municipality of Klina, and of Ramadan Buzhola. Together with Habib and Zeqir Morina and Agim Pantin, he participated in the kidnapping and liquidation of Sali Berisha, alias “Zali”, and of his brother, Bajram, and of Binak Berisha, Brahim Zogaj and their sons, Fadil and Ramadan, from Iglarevo, whose bodies were found in the region of Orahovac on the Orlate – Mališevo road. Together with Fehmil, Bilall and Shefqet Kryeziu, he organized the liquidation of Ajet Gashi, retired member of the Serbian Ministry of Internal Affairs Security Service. Following the demilitarization of KLA, he joined Hashim Thaqi’s DPK and, over a period of time, kept the post of the Minister for Labor and Social Affairs in the Interim Government formed by Thaqi after the withdrawal of the Serbian police and military forces from K&M. In addition to his political connections with Hashim Thaqi, he also participated in the criminal activities of his group from Drenica.

12. BAJRAM (Maliqi) BEGA
Born on April 8th, 1966, in the village of Jezerce, Municipality of Uroševac. He was the commander of a special unit of KLA military police in the barracks in the village of Jezerce. He is responsible for the crimes made on the territory of the Nerodimlje KLA zone of operations: for more than 29 terrorist attacks, 22 murders, 27 kidnappings, 15 illegal imprisonments, as well as for the damage of the orthodox “Sveti Uroš” church, near Gornje Nerodimlje in 1998. He participated in armed attacks on the village of Nerodimlje in 1998 and 1999, and on the village of Grebno in April 1999, as well as in forced deportation of the local population from the territory of Uroševac. He is responsible for the establishment of eight prisons in the region. He operated on the territory of the Municipality of Uroševac in a group together with Nazmi Lumni and Ekrem Ballillaj, Guta Hisni and Misret Kalenica. He participated in the armed attacks of carried out by this group on the civilians in the settlement of Sastav reka, near the village of Nerodimlje, when the villagers Siniša Lukić and Veselin Lazić were abducted. Since 1998, he has participated in numerous armed attacks on the members of the Serbian Ministry of Internal Affairs and on YA forces and is responsible for the assassination of the reserve police officer, Dragan Milić, from the village of Donje Nerodimlje, committed during one of the above-mentioned attacks.

13. GJEMAJL (Isuf) BEJTA
Born on February 17th, 1945, in the village of Srednja Klina, Municipality of Srbica. BEJTA is former YA officer. Based on the decision of the KLA general staff for the Municipality of Srbica, he was one of the commanders in charge of the military training of KLA members. In 1998, he led diversionary terrorist training of KLA members in the region of Drenica, to be subsequently elected member of the KLA general staff for the Drenica operational zone located in the village of Likovac, Municipality of Srbica. He was actively engaged in the animation of ethnic Albanians serving the former Yugoslav Army, instigating them to join KLA forces. Along with Zaim Berisha, Milaim Berisha and Ejup Dragu, he had a prominent role in the organization of the parallel Ministry of Defense of the Republic of Kosovo. After the formation of KPC, he was appointed chief of the personnel department.

14. AVNI (Musa) BERISHA, alias “Tarkan”
Born on August 13th, 1974, in the village of Konjuševac, Municipality of Podujevo. He was a KLA member in the region of the Lab operational zone, where he carried out a number of terrorist actions together with Avni Feta from the village of Penduh, Municipality of Podujevo and Rustem Mustafa, aka “Remi”, to become finally, after June 1999, a participant in the ethnic cleansing of the territory of the municipalities of Podujevo and Priština. Upon the order of Latif Gashi, chief of the military police in the above- mentioned zone at the time, and his deputy, Nazif Mehmeti, he executed four ethnic Albanians from the region of the Municipality of Podujevo (Aglush Kastrati from Krpimej, Mirveta, Agim and Isak Musliu from Glavnik). He led the group of the KLA secret police members responsible for the murder of Predrag Jovanović, from the village of Sušica, Municipality of Priština. In December 1998, he liquidated Milić Jović, former member of the provincial Ministry of Internal Affairs. He is one of the participants in the attack on Stanimir Dimović, a police officer from Podujevo, who was severely injured on the occasion. After the dismissal of KLA, in September 1999, Berisha joined KPC in Priština.

15. RUSTEM (Shaban) BERISHA
Born on July 18th, 1955, in the village of Kruševac, Municipality of Peć. He was one of the leaders of the staff of the 2nd KPC RTG in Paštrik, with its headquarters in Prizren. At the moment, he is a director of the “Hamz Jashari” KPC Academy in Priština. Together with Baslim Zyrapi, he is responsible for 26 murders, 77 abductions and organizing of 6 improvised prisons located on the territory of Orahovac and Prizren. In addition to all this, he also participated in the armed attack on the YA border outpost in the village of Košare, Municipality of Djakovica in 1999, when he, in person, killed several soldiers. Together with a group of terrorists, on June 11th, 1999, he broke into a house of a certain Hatidza in the village of Erec, and committed a criminal act of rape of the said Albanian woman and her two daughters. The same group tortured some Roma people and raped large number of girls of this national group. Berisha is also responsible for the kidnapping of Sadri Camaj on February 9th, 1999, in the vicinity of Djakovica, as well as for inflicting severe injuries to, and the murder of, Shkelzen Kamberi, from the village of Ponoševac, who was kept detained in an improvised prison located in the region of Djakovica.

16. SHEFIK (Hazir) BEQIRI, alias commander “Dardani”
Born on August 13th, 1960, in the village of Koprivnica, Municipality of Kosovska Kamenica. In 1998, he was appointed commander of the 172nd KLA brigade and KLA general staff member for the region of Kosovska Kamenica. He ordered deportation of the citizens of Roma nationality from the village of Ogošt, Municipality of Kosovska Kamenica, as well as plundering and burning down of their houses. Moreover, he was the leader of a group composed of 15 individuals who drove away the Serb population from the Municipality of Kosovska Kamenica and who also ordered the torture of a number of Serbs and ethnic Albanians. He ordered the murder of Trajan Trajković, a member of the Serbian Ministry of Internal Affairs from the village of Kololeč, Municipality of Kosovska Kamenica, as well as ethnic cleansing of the village Čarakovica in the same Municipality. He organized the delivery of a large quantity of arms from Gnjilane in the Koprivnica village for the needs of the units operating within ANA, when KFOR members accomplished to seize certain quantity of the said arms. Previously, he was in charge of procurement of arms intended for LAPMB. He also maintains contacts with the criminal groups through which he had organized illegal arms and drug sales. Currently he keeps the post of a senior KPC officer in Vitina.

17. LAHI (Shaban) IBRAHIMI, alias “Madjun”
Born on January 21st, 1970, in the village of Jablanica, Municipality of Djakovica. In September 1998, criminal charges were pressed against Ibrahimi for his terrorist activities. He has been the initiator and the major perpetrator of the extremists‘ actions in the region of Jablanica since 1995. In late 1996, he established illegal terrorist group named “Avengers”. He was in charge of the receiving end of the arms delivery which he stored at his home in Jablanica. He organized the training in the handling of infantry weapons and explosive devices for the members of various terrorist organizations. Together with the members of his group, Faik Mehmeti and Naser Ibrahimi, he carried out a number of terrorist attacks on the police units in the regions of Duškaje, Baranska Ljuga and Ponoševica. Early in 1998, he participated in the reception and hiding of Ramush Haradinaj and other terrorists who participated in the murder of Miodrag Otović, a police officer from the Dečani police department. In March of the same year, he was appointed commander of the KLA general staff for the region of Duškaj and thus cooperated with Idriz Balaj, aka “Toger” and Fadil Nimonaj, aka “Tiger”, the commander of KLA military police in this region. At the same time, he established a strong terrorist base and erected the barracks in the village of Jablanica which he used for the training of new KLA members and for storing arms and military equipment received from Albania and which was then shipped toward Drenica. He himself planned and executed the kidnapping of Serbs and of a certain number of Albanians who were kept in the prison in Jablanica. In the cellar of a house he built a pool and used it to torture the kidnapped individuals. In it, he was helped by the late Naser Ibrahimi, and Faik Mehmetaj, Nazmi Ibrahimi and Xhevdet Kasumi, all from the village of Jablanica. The group is responsible for the execution of at least 10 kidnapped individuals, whose bodies were dumped into the Radonjic lake, near the village of Ratiš, Municipality of Dečani, while some of the bodies were buried in the woods near the lake. Together with other members of his group, Ibrahimi killed three persons, including one police officer and an ethnic Albanian from the village of Labljani, Municipality of Peć, who refused to offer financial support to KLA. Their bodies were dumped in the Sušica river. Owing to his family relations with Ramush Haradinaj, Albanians also suspect him of murdering Tahir Zemaj, one of the former KLA commanders. Because of his engagement in the armed activities of ANA in Macedonia and of LAPMB in the south of Serbia, he was dismissed from the position of the staff member of the 3rd KPC RTG, with the headquarters in Peć, while on June 18th, 2002, he was arrested by UNMIK police, together with Sadik Çeku, Idriz Balaj and Bekim Zekaj, under suspicion of perpetrating crimes against Albanians and members of other national communities in this region of K&M during 1999. After several hours of detention, Lahi Ibrahimi and Sadik Çeku were released.

18. RAM (Gani) BUJA
Born on December 5th, 1958, in the village of Bujance, Municipality of Lipljan. He participated in the negotiations held in Rambouier, as a close collaborator of Hashim Thaqi, Jakup Krasniqi and Shukri Buja. He is a member of the DPK Central Committee. He is one of the organizers of Albanian referendum in 1992, when he became a delegate in the illegal Assembly of the Republic of Kosovo. Through the contacts with Ibush Visi, from the village of Dubrava, Municipality of Kačanik, he monitored terrorist KLA activities in the region of Štimlje, Dečani and Peć, and subsequently became a member of the top KLA staff in the region of Lipljan and Mališevo. From the base in Mališevo, he coordinated, together with Jakup Krasniqi and Azem Syla, terrorist attacks on the Serb civilians and on YA members and the members of the Serbian Ministry of Internal Affairs and was the instigator of the kidnapping of the members of the security forces in K&M for the purpose of exchanging them for the captured terrorists from the KLA units. He is a direct participant in a number of terrorist actions carried out in Srbica, in the regions of Lapašnik, Mališevo, Lipljan and Suva Reka. After the withdrawal of the Yugoslav and Serbian security forces from K&M, he organized terrorist actions of KLA members in Mališevo, encouraging exile, intimidation and kidnapping of Serbs from the region of Lipljan.

19. SHUKRI (Sali) BUJA, alias “Gazetar” and “Sokol”
Born on August 27th, 1966, in the village of Bujance, Municipality of Lipljan. He was the commander of the prisoner’s camp in the village of Lanište near Uroševac. Till September 1999, he was the commander of the KLA headquarters in the village Jezerce, Municipality of Uroševac, when he was appointed commander of the 6th KPC RTG. In 2000, he left KPC and became a participant in criminal, terrorist activities in the region of the municipalities of Uroševac, Kačanik and Vitina. He operates together with Genc Sefaj from Albania, a former officer of the Albanian army forces, living in Uroševac now, who participated in the conflicts in K&M, and with Xhabir Zharku, from Kačanik, the chief of the Kačanik gang engaged in the smuggling of arms and in drug trafficking. Together with Genc Sefaj he usurped numerous business premises whose owners were Serbs, using them as catering facilities or consumer goods storage facilities. Part of the money earned by organized crime, i.e., the smuggling of arms, was used for financing terrorist activities of ANA and the terrorist groups operating on the territory of FYROM and southern Serbia. He maintains close relations with the Suma criminal gang led by brothers Rufki, Emrush and Shkelzan Suma. In addition to blackmailing money extortion, the gang is also engaged in the trafficking of drugs, tobacco and arms smuggled to the FYRepublic of Macedonia. The Suma family has also usurped cement works in General Janković, exploiting them as if they were his own property.

20. JAH (Salli) BUSHATI
Born on February 25th, 1972, in the village of Grgoč, Municipality of Djakovica. He was a member of the so-called Jablanica group, led by Lahi Ibrahimi. From the beginning of 1998, he participated in all the attacks on the members of the Serb and Albanian population, as well as on the Roma in the region. Together with Safedin Alia, also from the village of Grgoč, on June 2nd, 1998, he attacked the house of the Thaqi family from the village of Kosurić, Municipality of Peć, when Uk Thaqi, who had refused to join KLA, was killed. In June of the same year, Bushati and Agim Zejnelli, aka “Cergash”, from Jablanica, kidnapped Dejan Randjelović, from the village of Bec, as well as one member of the Roma community, who were released after days of maltreatment and torture. At the time, the above mentioned group was engaged in the plunder of temporarily abandoned Serb and Montenegrin houses in the village of Bec, since the population was afraid of the activities of Albanian terrorists. Bushati organized repeated attacks on a Montenegrin house in the village of Crmljane, owned by Babović family. In late August of the same year, Bushati and Zejnelli carried out a terrorist attack on the clinic in the village of Drenovac. On September 29th, 1998, Bushati kidnapped a taxi-driver on the road to the village Krljane, near Djakovica, who was kept imprisoned for several days in the village of Krljane and then murdered. After the withdrawal of the Serbian security forces from K&M, together with Arif Shala, a former KLA member, Bushati was actively engaged in the kidnapping and exile of the Serbs and the Roma from the region of Duškaje, particularly from the village of Crmljane. On June 16th, 1999, they kidnapped Halid Beqa, a Roma from the same village, as well as Halid’s father, Mihtar, on the following day. Halid disappeared without a trace, while Mihtar was released after several days of maltreatment whereupon, with his family, he left K&M.

21. JUSUF VELIA, alias “Zali”
Born on July 26th, 1957, in Priština. As one of the rather active members of the former KLA within the Lab operational zone, he kept the post of the military police commander.
He participated in the terrorist arrack on the “Niš-express bus” on February 16th, 2001, near the village of Livadice, Municipality of Podujevo, when 11 passengers were killed. For this reason, he was arrested by UNMIK police and KFOR members.

22. AZEM (Rexha) VESELI
Born on March 8th, 1964, in the village of Labljane, Municipality of Peć. He joined KLA forces in 1997 and, as the commander of the unit in the village of Labljane and member of the general staff for the Dukadjin operational zone, he participated in a number of terrorist actions against the members of the Serbian Ministry of Internal Affairs and in the exile of the Serbs from the region of Metohija, as well as in the organization of arms and military equipment supply from Albania to K&M. He is responsible for the numerous crimes committed on the territory of the Dukadjin operational zone. In late 1998, he participated in the kidnapping, torture and execution of a number of people from Peć, including Vladimir Vulević and Xafer Gjuka, whose bodies were dumped in the Beli Drim river. Additionally, on July 11th, 1998, Veseli kidnapped and subsequently murdered, together with several numbers of his diversionary, terrorist group, Skender Kuqi, from the same village. Since early 1999, he has been the commander of the illegal terrorist organization “KLA Wing”, which operates in the region of the Drim district and is responsible, among other things, for the numerous kidnappings, extortions and robberies of the Albanians loyal to the Republic of Serbia. He led the 133rd KLA brigade, which, entered Istok on June 18th, 1999, and committed numerous murders, detained the remaining civilians, devastated and robbed movable property and real estates and demolished numerous religious and cultural monuments. Together with a group of KLA secret police members, established by Naser Shatri, intended to liquidate the Serb population, in June 1999, Veseli murdered Stanoje Ljušić in his home, as well as Mihailo and Djurdje Vujuć, Radoje Vulić and his wife, and their son, Miško, and Petar Djurić and several other persons from Istok. Moreover, he ordered the execution of Radovan Radnić, which was carried out by Zenun Gashi, aka “Hoxha”, on June 20th, 1999, in Istok. In 1999, he was the commander of the prison located in a private house in the village of Kaličani, Municipality of Istok, where some 150 civilians were detained. He was closely connected with the criminal organization known as “Dukadjini” led by Ramush Haradinaj, and directly participated in the arms, drugs, humanitarian aid and white slaves trafficking, as well as in the intimidation of competitive criminal groups. Late in 2002, he was suspended from the function of the KPC commander in Istok. However, in 2003, he was reinstated.

23. KADRI (Fazli) Veseli, alias “Luli”
Born on May 31st, 1967, in Kosovska Mitrovica. In the late 80s and early 90s, he was actively included in the activities of the illegal NMRK organization, engaged in the organization of armed groups and terrorist actions. In 1991, he completed a diversionary, terrorist training in the military camp in Albania. He participated in the terrorist attack on the members of the Serbian Ministry of Internal Affairs, on the railroad crossing near Glogovac, when four police officers were killed and three injured. Thereafter he escaped to Switzerland, and was granted political asylum. After the deployment of the international forces in K&M, Hashim Thaqi appointed him chief of ECGS, whose individual members are directly subordinated to DPK party leadership and responsible, among other things, for the murders committed in order to maintain Thaqi’s political position. He belongs to the organized criminal gang led by Thaqi who gained control over the trafficking in arms, drugs, oil, oil derivatives and other excise goods. Thanks to his current political position and influence on the most extreme part of the separatist’s movement. As a member of this organized criminal group, Veseli controls a number of firms dealing with sales of excise goods, including “Kosovo-petrol”, the most important one. His closest collaborators are Muhamet Kosova, Feti Bakali, Demir Bitiqi, Xhavit Haliti, etc.

24. REXHEP (Maksut) VESELI, alias “Shpetimi” and “Fisnik”
Born on August 6th, 1970, in Gnjilane. At the time of the armed conflicts in K&M, he was a KLA member in the Karadak operational zone, where he participated, together with Ramadan Ramadani and Mustafa Sallih, in the smuggling of arms, food and other military equipment from the Republic of Albania to the region of K&M. For a certain period of time he was a bodyguard of Imri Iljazi, the commander of the 6th KPC RTG in Gnjilane. After the establishment of the terrorist organization known as ANA, he was in charge of organization of a terrorist group in the Municipality of Gnjilane. He is one of the wealthiest men in K&M. He owns “Perparimi” Holding Company, the furniture factories “NTP Kosova Mobilia” and “Thumbi” in Gnjilane, six department stores in the same town which are, among other things, used for the storage of the smuggled goods. Through his business connections in Turkey, he procured arms and uniforms for LAPMB, established close relations with Rustem Mustafa and Ellami Bajrami, cooperating with them in the “Cobra Security Co.” and is included in the mafia network of Fadil Gumnishte.

25. SALI (Shaban) VESELI
Born on July 23rd, 1953, in the village of Smonica, Municipality of Djakovica. As a former YNA officer, he participated in the organization of the military training of terrorists in Albania during the 1990–1993 period. He was an operational deputy of the chief of the general staff of KLA. In the period January – October 2000, he kept the post of the commander of the 2nd KPC RTG Paštrik, to be subsequently (in May 2001) appointed commander of the 4th KPC RTG of Lab. He is responsible for more than 16 murders, for kidnapping and illegal imprisonment of approximately 14 persons, for large-scale destruction of property, forced deportation of population from the territory of Podujevo, as well as for more than twenty terrorist attacks, including an armed attack on the village of Obranlja, Municipality of Podujevo. He directly participated in the execution of Ekrem Rexha, alias “Commander Drini”, most probably upon the order of Hashim Thaqi and, in the words of the witnesses, other accomplices in this murder, Veseli gave each one DM 15,000.

26. SKENDER (Maksut) VESELI, alias “Bili”
Born on April 16th, 1971, in Gnjilane. Due to a well grounded suspicion of having participated in the commitment of terrorist acts, the District Public Prosecutor in Gnjilane pressed criminal charges against him in June 1999. He was the commander of the guard and of the military police in the KLA general staff in the Karadak operational zone, charged with the protection of the general staff members and with discipline of KLA members who had failed to comply with the orders of the commanders-in-chief, Ahmet Isufi and Shemsi Syla. For this purpose, he organized an improvised prisons in the cellars of privately owned houses where disobedient Albanians and kidnapped Serbs were tortured. He participated in the terrorist actions in the Municipality of Gnjilane, as well as in the village of Marevce, Municipality of Priština while, together with Elisah Imeri and his brother Rexhep Veselji, alias, “Fisnik”, he was engaged in the popularization of KLA.
After his service in the KPC guard unit in Priština, he participated in the torture of the Serbs in the villages of Dobrcane and Bukovik, Municipality of Gnjilane (Svetozar Antić, Srdjan Tepavčević, Dragan Dimitrijević and Nebojsa Antonijević, who succumbed to his injuries – all from Gnjilane). Occasionally, as an instructor for the members of the terrorist organization, he stayed in the village of Dobrosin, Municipality of Bujanovac, where the general staff of the LAPMB was located. He also stayed on the territory of FYROM, where he was engaged in terrorist activities and in the training of NLA members.

27. BESIM (Shaban) VOKSHI
Born on April 23rd, 1955, in Djakovica. Early in 1998 he became a member of KLA and operated in the region of Djakovica in a group together with Hekuran Hoda, Anton Lekaj and Arben Shkupi, alias “Zifa”, responsible for the kidnapping and maltreatment of non-Albanian population detained in the “Paštrik” Hotel cellar, where Vokshi had established an improvised prison and was its commander. He is directly responsible for kidnapping of a number of Serbs, Montenegrins and Roma from Djakovica, including Besim Ramoci, a Roma from Djakovica, as well as five Serbs from Orahovac (Negovan Dedić, Budimir Baljošević, Staniša Milenković, Zvezdan Mojsić and Goran Stolić) who had tried to escape to Montenegro via Djakovica. Afijete and G¸zim Zeqiri, Hasan Tafa and Shaban Bala were tortured in the same premises, to be subsequently released, while Bajram Krasniqi, Zvezdan Lushaj and Rade Gagović were killed. After the demilitarization of KLA, Vokshi established and currently manages the agency known as “Besa security” in Djakovica, which is presumably engaged in the protection of the catering facilities and other premises. Since its work was prohibited by UNMIK police on several occasions, due to criminal activities, the seat of the agency was repeatedly moved all over Djakovica. In December 2001, UNMIK members searched the premises of the agency and found documentation indicating that its members were engaged in the extortions from the wealthy citizens and in illegal oil trade. The said agency is connected with the suicide of Tafiz Lila, a merchant from Djakovica, whose private company “Tafa Komerc” was taken over by “Besa Security” members, former KLA members, who robbed him of a large amount of money. They also threatened his son, Shukria, who later escaped to Tirana. The said agency was connected to a criminal gang named “Hawks”, operating in the region of Djakovica. Namely, the members of the gang were responsible for the robbery, kidnapping and maltreatment of the inhabitants of Djakovica who, in turn, asked the “Besa Security” agency for protection. The members of the said agency were also connected to the robberies and murder of “unfit” and wealthy citizens, such as Edward Shalja, from Djakovica, whose goldsmith’s shop was robbed after his murder.

28. LATIF (Rizah) GASHI, alias “Lata” and “Fati”
Born on September 12th, 1961, in the village of Dobri Do, Municipality of Podujevo. Gashi is the former commander of the KLA military police unit and of the intelligence service within the Lab operational zone and the former chief of the ECGS operational service. In 1998, as the commander of the KLA military police, he was in charge of ordering the kidnapping and liquidation of the Albanians loyal to the Republic of Serbia, as well as of a large number of Serbs. After the withdrawal of the forces of the Serbian Ministry of Internal Affairs and of YA from K&M, he became the chief of the KLA secret police, with its headquarters in Priština, responsible for the detention and torture of civilians. Moreover, he was responsible for the operations of ECGS, as its head, while in September 1999, he was elected deputy commander of the 5th KPC RTG, led by Rustem Mustafa. He is an organizer of abductions in the region of Lab, when he in person carried
out interrogation of the kidnapped persons. He was immediately responsible for torturing of Albanians loyal to the Republic of Serbia, as well as followers of Ibrahim Rugova upon the order of Hashim Thaqi. Together with Dritton Zhjeqi and Robert Bertetsky, Gashi organized the placing of an explosive device in the building of the former Yugoslav Committee for Cooperation with UNMIK and KFOR in Priština when Goran Jeftić was killed. In 1999, upon his order to do so, three Serbs – Jovica Stamenković, Miodrag Mladenović and professor Milenko Leković – were killed in the premises of the School of Economy. Based on the testimonies of a number of witnesses, Gashi, as a deputy commander of the 5th KLA operational zone, ordered the liquidation of a member of the former State Security Center, Milić Jović, on December 1st, 1998. in Podujevo, as well as the imprisonment of Alush Kastrati, from Krpimej, Hetem Jashari, from Podujevo, Agim Musliu, alias “Agim Tocku”, Idriz Svarça, from Bijelo Polje, Drite Bunjaku-Voci, from Lužane, Nazmi Rustemi, brothers Muja, Adem, Halil and Fitim Rakovice, from the village of Dumosa, Hakif Hoti, from the village of Bradaša, Fehmi Poter, from the village of Lapaštica, Bexhet Nazifi, from Bajčina, Milan Stanković and his wife from Peran, as well as Drago Tijanić, also from Peran. In addition to that, members of Gashi’s terrorist group kidnapped Osman Sinani, from the village of Murgule, Municipality of Podujevo, who was subsequently murdered, as well as Milovan Stanković, a worker employed in the “Javor” company in Podujevo, from the village of Bečić, Municipality of Merošine, Ratko Vićentijević, from the village of Donja Dumnica, Visar Voca, Sabri Berisha, Mirveta Konjushevci, Goran Zbiljić, Čedomir Blagojević, Živorad Biserčić and Ljubiša Nedeljković. The kidnapped persons were detained in the prisons located in the villages of Gornja Lapaštica, Bajgora, Majance and Potok, in the Municipality of Podujevo. He is one of the participants in the terrorist attack carried out on August 28th, 1996, in the village of Donje Ljupče, Municipality of Podujevo, when Ejup Bajgora, a member of the State Security Center in Priština, was killed. In addition to Gashi, Zahir Pajaziti from the village of Turčice, Nazif Mehmeti, Naim Kadriu and Shaip Haziri from the village Kačikol, Municipality of Priština, participated in this attack. On June 12th, 1999, in the village of Polić, Gashi liquidated Krunislav Jošanović, from the village of Orlane, Municipality of Podujevo who had been kidnapped. After the international community had established the Belgrade department for investigating the crimes committed in K&M, a mass grave with more than 37 bodies of the Serb civilians was discovered in the village of Kačidol, Municipality of Podujevo, with Gashi’s terrorist group responsible for the executions. He was arrested on January 29th, 2002, by KFOR and UNMIK, and sentenced by the International Court in Priština on July 16th, 2003, to 10 years of imprisonment for the war crimes committed in the regions of Priština and Podujevo. Other members of the Lab group were sentenced as well – Mustafa Rustem to 17 years of imprisonment, Nazif Mehmeti to 13 years and Naim Kadriu to 5 years of imprisonment.

29. FAHRUDIN (Haredin) GASHI
Born on December 8th, 1969, in Štimlje. In May 1998, he joined the KLA forces and their staff located in the village of Krajmirovce, Municipality of Lipljan, to be soon appointed chief of the military police in charge of a part of the territory of the Municipality of Štimlje. In addition to his engagement in the surveillance of the movements on the local roads, he participated in the attacks on the police and YA members, in the maltreatment and kidnapping of the Serbs, as well as the Albanians loyal to the Republic of Serbia (Agim Ademi, Ahmeti Veseli and Shuqer Zymberi). After the signing of the UN Security Council resolution 1244 and the withdrawal of the members of the Serbian Ministry of Internal Affairs and the YA forces from K&M, Gashi focused his activities within the KLA secret police on the expulsion of non-Albanian population from the region of Štimlje, organizing night attacks on the members of the Serb and Roma ethnic groups accompanied with blackmail and intimidation. At the same time, he participated in the kidnapping of the prominent members of the Albanian families in Štimlje, in order to gain material advantages. Also, he is responsible for the kidnapping of the 12 year old son of Hasan Rexhepi, the owner of the “Migros” Company, who was ordered to pay the ransom of DM 60,000. Together with Isak Musliu, he is responsible for the murder of Qerim Isamili, Agim Ademi, Ahmet Veseli and Fatmir Zymberi, from the village of Gornje Godance, and Imri Bajrami, from Štimlje. Because of the said activities, he was arrested by KFOR and subsequently released upon the intervention of his superiors. He is one of the leaders of the terrorist organization known as ANA in the region covering the villages of Gornje Godance, Zborce, Petrašica, Duka, in the Municipality of Štimlje, and the villages of Sedlare and Krajmirovce, Municipality of Lipljan. In addition to all this, he participated in the organized smuggling and processing of drugs, as well as in white slave trafficking in the whole region of K&M. He is the leader of the criminal group composed of Bajrush and Bedri Rexhaj, from the village of Petrovo, Agim Isamili, from the village of Crnoljevo, Mehmet Miftari, Heset Bleta and Bexhet (Xhevat) Fazlliu, from Štimlje. The abovementioned group was engaged in the illegal procurement and re-sale of different arms, in the thefts and robberies of the wealthy individuals and private companies, in blackmailing and, particularly, in drug trafficking. Gashi hired Shefki Osmani, from Štimlje, and Samit Sefejdini, from Uroševac, for the smuggling of drugs from foreign countries to K&M. Drugs were procured through Muharem Beqaj, alias “Balem”, born in Štimlje and residing in Turkey. The main destinations of the abovementioned drugs was the Czech Republic, and Beqaj established a channel for the transportation of drugs on the Turkey – K&M – Italy route. “Union Bank” and its director Ahmet Qiriqi, from Štimlje, were used to launder the money gained through the trafficking of drugs, arms, etc. Hizer Gashi, from the village of Petraštica, Municipality of Štimlje, was included in the abovementioned activities, as the deputy director of the said bank.

30. JETULAH (Sinan) GECAJ
Born on February 17th, 1954, in Lauša, Municipality of Srbica. A KLA member from 1992 and one of the commanders in the region of the village of Lauša, Municipality of Srbica. From the first days of KLA, he was a member of Adem Jashari’s group engaged in the popularization of the organization. Before and during the war, he had committed crimes against the Serb civilians, together with his brother Sabit, alias “Batali”, in the municipalities of Srbica, Glogovac, Klina and Istok. He was an executor of Desimir Petković, from the village of Korilja, Municipality of Zvečane, and of Zen Durmishi, from the village of Reketnica, Municipality of Srbica. He also participated in the terrorist actions against the police and YA forces and was known for his cruelty among the KLA members. After the deployment of the UN forces in K&M, he was appointed commander of the 112th brigade in the operational zone of Drenica by Thaqi’s Interim Government. In 2001, he organized minor terrorist groups which harassed, attacked and tortured their fellow men who were not the supporters of Hashim Thaqi’s political platform. He tried to eliminate physically his political opponents, including Fadhil Gecaj, a DSK activist from the village of Lauša, Municipality of Srbica. In the middle of March 2001, members of the abovementioned groups attempted the liquidation of Fadil Gecaj. The members of the Gecaj Family were engaged in the smuggling of arms, as well as in the extortion of money from the owners of the restaurants in Prizren, Peć, Djakovica and Kosovska Mitrovica. They are engaged in the drug sale and in the organization of prostitution in the regions of Priština, Lipljan and Štimlje. In 2000, Jetulah Gecaj was arrested by UNMIK police and subsequently sentenced to 6 years of imprisonment for his criminal activities. He is currently serving his sentence.

31. SABIT (Sheremet) GECAJ, alias “Batali”
Born on August 20th, 1958, in the village of Lauša, Municipality of Srbica. He joined KLA in 1993 and was in charge of the procurement of arms and the training of KLA members in the region of Drenica. He actively participated in the planning and carrying out of terrorist attacks against the police and army members, in the kidnapping of civilians and in ethnic cleansing of the Serbs and other non-Albanians in the Municipality of Srbica. He was one of the commanders of the improvised prison in the village of Likovac, Municipality of Srbica, where several dozens of kidnapped individuals were tortured and, most of them, upon his orders, executed. After the deployment of the international forces in K&M, Sabit Gecai joined the Kosovo secret service and, at the same time, he established close relations with the criminal groups and participated in the illegal procurement and distribution of drugs and arms, cigarettes, oil, in white slave trafficking, money extortion, etc. He established contacts with a criminal group from Drenica through Sylejman Selimi, alias “Sultan”, led by Hashim Thaqi, as well as with the criminal group of the Suma family. Due to the abovementioned activities, in November 2000, he was arrested by the international forces in K&M. His trial before the District Court in Priština started early in 2001. He was, among other things, indicted for the mining of the “Show” restaurant, together with his group, when 13 persons, mostly Albanians, were injured, and for the attack on Borisav Vukićević, the then president of the Yugoslav Committee for K&M. The trial was completed in April 2001, and Gecaj was sentenced to six years of imprisonment. Thus, he is currently serving his sentence in the District Jail in Kosovska Mitrovica.

32. GANI (Adem) GECI
Born on January 20th, 1968, in the village of Lauša, Municipality of Srbica. In 1986, he was sentenced by the District Court in Kosovska Mitrovica to three years and six months of imprisonment for an attempted murder. He participated in numerous terrorist operations and liquidations of the police members in the municipalities of Srbica, Glogovac, Klina and Kosovska Mitrovica. In one of his interviews, he confessed his participation in the injury and the liquidation of the policemen Dejan Galjak and Bislimović. In 1993, he carried out actions aimed at an intimidation of the Albanians loyal to the Republic of Serbia, including Muharem Qun, from the village of Glogovac, who was liquidated by Geci’s collaborator, Ilaz Kadriu. In his public appearances, he frequently criticized the activities of Hashim Thaqi, being, at the same time, one of the financiers of DSK. On October 19th, Hashim Thaqi’s followers attacked a vehicle with the reporter, Bekim Kastrati, and Gani Geci, when Kastrati was killed and Geci injured. The attack was carried out because of the article published by Kastrati on Hashim Thaqi and Sylejman Selimi, alias “Sultan”, in which he suggested that he was going to publish the names of Albanian women raped by these Albanian politicians.

33. ADEM (Azem) GRABOVCI, alias “Celi”
Born on April 9th, 1960, in the village of Starodvorane, Municipality of Istok. Due to his extremist activities and participation in the demonstrations from 1981, he was sentenced to 5 years of imprisonment. He left the country illegally in 1990 and went to Switzerland where he joined the illegal NPK organization and was elected one of its senior leaders. Together with Xhavit Haliti, Emrush Xhemaili and Ibrahim and Muhamed Kelmendi, he participated in the propaganda activities of the Albanians in that and other Western European countries. After the establishment of KLA, he became a member of its general staff in Switzerland, in charge of the procurement and transport of arms for the diversionary terrorist groups in K&M. In this capacity, he visited K&M illegally several times during 1999. After the signing of the Kumanovo Agreement, he was appointed the Minister of Finance in the self-proclaimed Interim Government of Kosovo. As a close collaborator of Hashim Thaqi, he was elected a member of the DPK Presidium in charge of controlling the financial assets of the party. At the same time, he participated in all criminal actions carried out under the control of Hashim Thaqi.

34. JAHIR (Haxhi) DEMAKU, alias “Madjup”
Born on June 6th, 1971, in the village of Donje Obrinje, Municipality of Srbica. He was one of the most active KLA members in the region of Drenica, keeping the post of the commander of the special unit of the military formation “Guri”, with its headquarters in the village of Banjica. He was in direct contact with the Jashari brothers, as well as with Sami Lushtaku, Fadhil Kodra and others. In 1998, together with Skender Halili and Isa Demaku, he kidnapped and subsequently killed Ivan Bulatović, a member of the Serbian Ministry of Internal Affairs. Also in August, he participated in the kidnapping and wounding of Velli Vellaku, from the village of Banjica. He is also responsible for the establishment of the improvised prison in the village of Gornje Obirnje and for the torture of the prisoners. In addition to his terrorist activities, he was engaged in organized crime and was closely connected to the leaders of the “Drenica” criminal group, mostly composed of former KLA members from the Municipality. After the demilitarization of KLA, he became a member of the general staff of KPC.

35. MILAZIM (Bajram) DERGUTI
Born on October 8th, 1969, in the village of Trn, Municipality of Uroševac. In 1998, he was engaged in monitoring of the activities of the Serbian Ministry of Internal Affairs in the Municipality of Uroševac. As a member of the KLA unit in the village Jezerce, Municipality of Uroševac, he actively participated in the terrorist activities committed by the unit in the Municipality of Štimlje. He was involved in the kidnapping of Albanians in the villages of Trn and Košin, Municipality of Uroševac, as well as in that of Mile Vuksanović, an employee in the Health Center in Priština. Derguti organized and took an active part in the ethnic cleansing of the Serbs from the region of the municipalities of Uroševac and Štimlje, together with Isak Musliu, from the village of Račak, Municipality of Štimlje. He was a member of KPC, but was suspended because of his participation in the kidnapping and torturing of civilians. Currently, he keeps the post of the deputy chief of the ANA general staff for the municipalities of Uroševac, Kačanik, Štimlje and Štrpce.

36. JETULAH (Sylejman) DIBRANI
Born on December 21st, 1953, in the village of Vaganica, Kosovska Mitrovica. During the 80s and the 90s, he was sentenced several times for aggravated robberies and other criminal acts. In April 1998, he founded a terrorist group, together with Ismet Haxha, Shaqir Prekazi, aka “Shoco”, Avni Haradinaj, aka “Koshutovo”, and Naser Lushtaku, which operated in the villages of Vaganica, Sipolja, Piroce, Vrbinica and in the other villages in the region of Kosovska Mitrovica. In addition to attacks on the police force, the group intercepted civilians and took them to KLA prison in the village of Likovac, Municipality of Srbica. Between 1998 and 1999, the group, led by Dibrani and Ismet Haxha, detained, tortured and probably executed Skender Ademi, Helmet Zymberi, Sherafedin Ajeti and Teuta and Vjolca Peci, from Kosovska Mitrovica. After the zonal reorganization of KLA, he was appointed commander of a special unit with its headquarters in the village of Vrbnica. After the withdrawal of the Serbian and FRY security forces from K/M, he was actively engaged in the demolition, arson and robbery of the Serb real estate and property in the southern part of Kosovska Mitrovica, as well as in the Albanian demonstrations in this part of the town organized for the purpose of forced entrance into the northern part of Kosovska Mitrovica. After the establishment of KPC, Dibrani was appointed commander of the KPC group in charge of the region of Vagance and Sipolja. However, discontented with his status, he retired soon thereafter. In addition of Ismet Haxha, Dibrani was very close with Avni Haradinaj, who was killed in February 2000, in Kosovska Mitrovica, during the conflict with the French KFOR members.

37. SOKOL (Qazim) DOBRUNA
Born on March 22nd, 1940, in Djakovica. He was engaged in the recruitment and transfer of Albanian to the KLA units in the villages of Smonica and Jablanica, Municipality of Djakovica, and to the villages of Junik and Glodjane, Municipality of Dečani, as well as in the collection and distribution of the material support for the terrorist KLA groups in the so-called region Reka Keć. Together with Afrim Deda, Hekuran Hoda and Agron Krueziu, he established guerilla groups in the downtown Djakovica, responsible for a number of attacks on the police and YA forces in May 1999, when a considerable number of members of the security forces were killed. During that time, Dobruna, as the president of the KLA court martial for the region of K&M, issued, together with his deputy, Ilaz Kadoli, from Suva Reka, both written and oral orders for the liquidation of both the Serbs and ethnic Albanians considered to be their political opponents. Otherwise, orders for the liquidation of the Serbs and the destruction of their property, came to the members of the KLA brigade in Djakovica from the commander of the Paštrik operational zone, Ekrem Rexha, aka “Drini”. After the signing of the Kumanovo Agreement, Dobruna participated in the kidnapping and the murder of Milivoje Vuković, in the village of Petrušan, Jovanka Stolić and Draga Biberčić, in the village of Ljug, Bunar and the sisters Milka and Milica Slavković, from the village of Brekovac, as well as two former members of the Djakovica police department, Pasha Cerimu, from the village of Janoš, and Ibrahim Mahmuti, from the village of Batuša. Together with his brother Muslim, he was engaged in illegal trafficking of oil derivatives, cigarettes and other goods.

38. SHABAN (Kajtaz) DRAGAJ
Born on April 16th, 1958, in the village of Kladernica, Municipality of Srbica. As an active member of the former YNA, he operated within the illegal Albanian organization OMLK, with the seat in Ljubljana, which is why he was tried by the military authorities in 1983 and dismissed from active military service. He participated in the war conflicts in Croatia as a member of the Croatian paramilitary formations. In May 1998, as the leader of diversionary terrorist groups, he came illegally from Albania to the territory of K&M and joined similar formations operating on the territory of the village of Junik, Municipality of Srbica, where he made contacts with Ramush Haradinaj and Lahi Ibrahimi. Later on, he went to the region of Drenica and operated in cooperation with Sylejman Salimi, aka “Sultan”, Ilaz Kodra and Sami Lushtaku. In late 1998, he was appointed deputy commander of the 121st KLA brigade “Ramiz Qeriqi”, in the Paštrik operational zone. He led a terrorist group which kidnapped “Tanjug” reporters Nebojša Radošević and Vladimir Dobričić on October 18th, 1998, in the vicinity of the village of Magura. Early in November 1998, he organized the kidnapping and execution of police officers Ilija Vujošević and Dejan Djatlov, on the road between the villages of Mališevo and Orlate. After the withdrawal of the Serbian security forces from K&M, he became a member of the KPC command structure.

39. FLORIM (Mursel) EJUPI, alias “Mazul” and “Luli”
Born on June 15th, 1978, in the village of Sekirača, Municipality of Podujevo. He is a former member of the Serbian Ministry of Internal Affairs. As a KLA member in the region of the Lab operational zone, he participated in the terrorist attack on the “Niš-ekspres” bus on February 16th, 2001. Because of the said criminal act he was detained by KFOR and spent some time in detention in the American base “Bondsteel”. However, he managed to escape and fled to Albania. He occasionally comes to K&M where he leads an illegal group engaged in the organization of terrorist attacks on the remaining Serbs and ethnic Albanians with different political orientations. He was an accomplice in the attempted murder of Tahir Zemaj in Peć in 2002, as well as in his murder, committed in January 2003. Moreover, he is also engaged in the activities related to organized crime and in the smuggling of cigarettes, together with Nuredin Ibishi and Arben Viti, as his collaborators.

40. AGIM (Ali) ELSHANI
Born on March 21st, 1963, in the village of Ozrim, Municipality of Peć. During and after the armed conflicts on the territory of K&M, he led a terrorist group responsible for a number of murders of Serbs and Albanians on the territories of Istok and Peć. Bogić Bućković, from the village of Vitomirica, was killed upon his command. In the middle of June 1999, he organized and participated, in person, in the attack on a group of Serbian refugees near Orahovac. As members of the terrorist group led by Daut Haradinaj, brothers Agim, Qerim, Avni, Adem and Ahmet Elshani killed several members of the families Musaj and Berisha. The said brothers also murdered Rahman Morina, from Malo Dubovo, Shaban Ramqaj, from Studenica, Djuza Abazović, from the village of Orno Brdo, Municipality of Istok. In 2002, the Elshani brothers liquidated, upon the order of Ramush Haradinaj, his former bodyguard, Avni Elazi, who was to be a witness of the conflict, in 2000, between Haradinaj and the Musaj family and Tahir Zemaj. Moreover, they also liquidated Ismajl Haradinaj, the delegate from Peć, and attempted to murder Ramiz and Sadik Muriqi from the same town, former members of FARK. On January 4th, 2003, together with Salli Laiqi, they murdered Tahir Zemaj and Ilaz Sellimi. Agim Elashi was a member of the KLA secret police, directly subordinated to Naser Shatri, with whom he still maintains in close relations. Currently, he keeps the post of the director of the “Peć brewery”, owned by Ekrem Lluka. Together with Shatri and Lluka, the Elshani brothers hold the monopoly over the sales of oil derivatives, tobacco, drugs and arms in the region of Peć.

41. XHABIR (Riza) ZHARKU, alias “Cari” or “Cori”
Born in 1962 in Kačanik. Between 1998 and 1999 he was the commander of the 162nd KLA brigade “Agim Bajrami” in the Nerodimlje operational zone. At the time, he, in person, massacred a number of Serbs in the Municipality of Klina. He was thereafter promoted by Agim Çeku, the commander-in-chief of the KLA general staff, to the rank of a colonel and appointed deputy commander of the operational zone. After the withdrawal of the members of the Serbian Ministry of Internal Affairs and the YA forces from the region of Kačanik, Zharku was ordered by the general staff, i.e., by Hashim Thaqi, to exile the non-Albanian population from the region of his responsibility as well as to destroy their property. He commenced the activities as early as June 11th, 1999, as the leader of the group engaged in the kidnapping and subsequent massacre of Slobodan Stojković, a retired police officer of the Serbian Ministry of Internal Affairs. On the same day, in his headquarters located in the former “Saniteks” factory, he participated in the torture and subsequent murder of an ethnic Albanian, Shaip Reka, suspected of collaboration with the Serbs. The same group is responsible for the robbery of the Orthodox church in Kačanik. In the period between February and March 2000, he ordered, as the commander of the 162nd KLA brigade, the prisoner’s camp for the kidnapped Serbs located in the “Sankos” company in Kačanik to be moved to the village of Reka, the district of Maljsi. As a member of EGS, he participated in the interrogation and intimidation of the Albanians suspected of collaboration with the Serbian and Montenegrin authorities. In 2000, he gathered a group of criminals to be engaged in the trafficking of drugs smuggled from Albania and then transported from FYROM, via Tetovo, to the region of Kačanik. The money earned was used to finance the terrorist organization of ANA. Zharku and Adem Abdulahu organized procurement of arms intended for ANA, from Albania, through Abdulah’s connections, which was illegally transported from Albania to Macedonia and then to K&M thereafter. A certain quantity of the arms was stored in the ANA bases in the region of Kosovska Kamenica. Early in 2001, Zarku and Berat Luzha recruited, organized, armed and transferred to Tetovo a group of 100 volunteers who had joined ANA. Avdul Jakupi, alias “Çakala”, the ANA commander for the region of Tetovo, was his accomplice in the above-mentioned activities. As he owns a chain of gas stations in K&M, Zharku is also engaged in the smuggling of oil derivatives, procured in Bulgaria through a certain company from FYROM. In order to maintain his position, the criminal group led by him intimidates the competitors, using, in addition to verbal, physical attacks and explosive devices.

42. DRITTON (Shemsi) ZHJEQI
Born on January 1st, 1965, in Podujevo. He temporarily stays in Stuttgart. Sentenced to over 4 years of imprisonment. Within the Lab operational zone, he was in charge of the supply of arms and equipment from Albania needed for KLA. After the establishment of LAPMB, Zhjeqi was entrusted by Rustem Mustafa, aka “Remi”, the commander of the 6th KPC RTG at the time, to distribute arms and recruit Albanians from the region of Podujevo for PMBLA. He was also engaged in the procurement of arms and ammunition for the needs of ANA in Macedonia. He is the organizer of a number of terrorist actions and one of the closest collaborates of Robert Bertetsky, aka “Shaban”, who was sentenced on April 18th, 2001, by the International Court in Priština for the murder of Aleksandar Popović, a member of the Serbian Ministry of Internal Affairs. He also participated in the placing of an explosive device in the building of the Yugoslav Committee for Cooperation with UNMIK in Priština in 2000 and was a member of the group which carried out the terrorist attack on the “Niš-ekspres” bus on February 16th, 2001, by placing an explosive device on the bus route.

43. TAHIR (REXHEP) ZEMAJ, alias “Toni”
Born on December 28th, 1951, in the village of Gornji Streoc, Municipality of Dečani. A former YNA captain who was granted asylum in Germany. He was arrested in 1985 and sentenced to 6.5 years of imprisonment for his participation in the drug trafficking. Several years later he escaped from the prison and fled to Germany. As an officer, he organized the training for approximately 500 FARK members, accommodated in the building of the elementary schools in the villages of Barane and Papraćane. Early in September 1998, after the action of the members of the Serbian Ministry of Internal Affairs which routed the KLA general staff for the region of Metohija, Zemaj fled to Albania to be promoted to the rank of a colonel by Ahmet Krasniqi, the Minister of Defense in the self-proclaimed Government of the Republic of Kosovo. He continued with the training of the FARK members in the Albanian towns of Tropoji and Bajram Curiju, while in 1999, he actively participated in the armed conflicts which took place on the Yugoslav-Albanian border. Because of the strained relations with Ramush Haradinaj, he never came back to the territory of K&M after the withdrawal of the members of the Serbian Ministry of Internal Affairs and the YA forces. He was one of the key witnesses in trial of Daut Haradinaj, Ramush Haradinaj’s brother, which is why Ramush Haradinaj and his group attempted to assassinate him on several occasions during 2001 and 2002. He was killed on April 4th, on the road Priština – Peć, together with his son, Enis, and the nephew, Hysen Zemaj, upon the direct order of Ramush Haradinaj.

44. GENC (son to Lumitrija) ZOGAJ
Born on September 10th, 1979, in Novo Selo, Municipality of Mališevo. He was a member of the KLA secret police. Zogaj’s father was killed in a terrorist actions in Drenica, while his brother Adriatik Zogaj, a KPC member, was killed in Gnjilane. In 2002, Genc Zogai was accused of the murder of Mejdi Sadriju, a former member of the Serbian Ministry of Internal Affairs in Gnjilane, as well as of the murder of Danush Januzi and Feta Arifi, all from the Municipality of Vitina. For that reason, he was detained and still is in the District Jail in Gnjilane.

45. BISLIM (Sadri) ZYRAPI
Born on July 9th, 1962, in the village of Studenčane, Municipality of Suva Reka. A former YNA member. As a division commander, he participated on the side of the Muslims in the war conflicts in the region of central Bosnia and Herzegovina. He is a perpetrator of numerous crimes in the Paštrik operational zone, including more than 26 murders, 77 abductions, organization of 6 prisons located on the territory of Orahovac and Prizren, of a group raping and of torture. Additionally, he is responsible for more than twenty terrorist actions, including attacks on the villages of Bratotin, Opteruša, Retimlje and Zočište, carried out in July and November 1998. He is a close collaborator of Agim Çeku. He was the chief of the KLA general staff in K&M and the chief of staff of the 2nd KPC RTG, as well as an official of the Ministry of Defense in the Interim Government of Hashim Thaqi.

46. Nuredin (Hamdija) IBISHI, alias “commander Leka”
Born on December 4th, 1956, in the village of Kaljatica, Municipality of Podujevo. A graduate of the Military Academy and a former commander of the special unit with the Provincial Secretariat of Internal Affairs. After leaving the police, he joined the independent union of former Ministry of Internal Affairs workers, i.e., of the parallel (Albanian) Ministry of Internal Affairs of the Republic of Kosovo. In June 1998, he was appointed, by Nuredin Ibishi, commander of the general staff for the Lab operational zone, commander of the Special KLA forces engaged in the diversionary terrorist actions, whose members had committed a large number of terrorist attacks on the Serb population. In August 1999, he formed, together with his closest collaborates, Rustem Mustafa, aka “Remi”, and Kadri Kastrati, the terrorist group “Kashtjela” (“The Fortress”), whose members were engaged in the ethnic cleansing of the Serb population in the region of Podujevo. He participated in the establishment of KPC and the selection and training of its leaders, but left it not long ago. He is engaged as a lecturer at the Police Academy in Vučitrn and, at the same time, he takes part in the training of ANA members, carried out in the region of the Batlava lake, near Priština. Ibishi is highly experienced for this kind of tasks, since he had completed special training for LAPMB volunteers. He is involved in the organized crime activities. Together with Florim Maloku and Arben Viti, he ranks among the most powerful smugglers of cigarettes and other goods in K&M. The above-mentioned activities were carried out under the patronage of Hashim Thaqi. He established the agency for personal protection, named “Cobra”, and actually engaged in the organized crime activities. In 2002, he was one of the owners of the “Siguria” Insurance Company in Priština, as well as the owner of a certain “tourist” facility in Podujevo, actually used for organized prostitution. He also usurped the apartment of his neighbor, Dragiša Aleksić, in Podujevo. He owns an exclusive restaurant on the Batlava Lake, the meeting-place of the organized crime members from the region, as well as the numerous members of the Albanian terrorist groups. Since June 2003, he has been employed in the “Mabatex” company, owned by Bexhet Pacoli, a highly influential financier of the Albanian terrorism, as one of the closest Pecoli’s collaborators.

47. IMRI (Imer) ILAZI, alias “Feri”
Born on January 26th, 1963, in the village of Kamena Glava, Municipality of Uroševac. Criminal charges were pressed against him on July 20th 1998, in his absence. As a member of the illegal NPK organization, he founded diversionary terrorist groups responsible for three terrorist actions on the members of the Serbian Ministry of Internal Affairs in 1998. He also participated in the formation of the KLA staff for the Municipality of Uroševac in June 1998 and was subsequently appointed deputy commander of the KLA staff in the village of Jezerce. After the withdrawal of the members of the Serbian Ministry of Internal Affairs and the YA forces from K&M, he organized ethnic cleansing of the Serbs in the municipalities of Uroševac, Štimlje and Kačanik, when the total Serb population was exiled, their property plundered and 80% of the houses set on fire. After the formation of KPC, Ilazi was appointed deputy commander, and subsequently commander of the 6th KPC RTG. He is still there.

48. GANI (Shahin) IMERI
Born on October 12th, 1967, in the village of Gornja Dubica, Municipality of Vučitrn. After a long stay abroad (in Germany, Switzerland, Croatia and Austria) he returned in the middle of 1997 to K&M and joined KLA within Shalja operational zone. Early in 1998, he formed the KLA general staff in the village of Cecilija, Municipality of Vučitrn, and became its commander. For the purpose of popularization of KLA in the region of Vučitrn, he carried out a forced mobilization of a large number of individuals, threatening them with liquidation, and organized their training, and the actions related to fortification (digging of trenches and bunkers), and the terrorist actions against the members of the Serbian Ministry of Internal Affairs and the YA forces, against the Serb and Albanian population refusing to cooperate with KLA. Together with a group of 20 KLA members, he participated in the terrorist attacks on the mine of Stari Trg and the police officers there in 1998. In June 1999, he was the commander of the so-called KLA Secret Police for the region of Vučitrn, and was subsequently appointed commander of the 4th battalion of the 141st KPC brigade, with the headquarters in Vučitrn. He was the commander of the prisoner’s camp for the detained Serbs and Albanians located in a department store cellar in Vučitrn. In the same region he killed more than 10 members of the Serbian Ministry of Internal Affairs and of YA and led terrorist groups engaged in the expulsion of the Serb population from the villages of Grace, Samodreža, Nedakovac, Donji and Gornji Svračak, and the destruction of their property. In June 1999, Imeri organized the kidnapping of Dušan Brakus, Svetozar Stambolić and Ćirilo Janaćković, subsequently killed in the region of Šalja. In the village of Gojbulja, he organized the kidnapping of Nenad Mihajlović, his sons Branimir, Vladimir and Aleksandar, as well as Vladan Mladenović. He himself led the group of terrorists responsible for the arson and robbery in the villages of Grace, Novoselo and Samodreža, where they demolished the Orthodox church. Imeri was engaged in the extortion of money from the Albanians in the region of Vučitrn and, for that reason, he was attacked by his opponents who had planted an explosive device in his car (when he sustained light mildly injuries). When armed conflicts began in FYROM, he organized the transfer of a large quantity of arms and ammunition intended for the Albanian extremists there. Because of the said activities, in March 2001, he was arrested by KFOR members in the village of Pantina, to be released soon thereafter due to the lack of evidence. Since he took for himself a considerable part of the financial assets intended for the procurement of military equipment for the Albanian terrorists, he became the owner of a number of business premises and lots in the central part of Vučitrn. Additionally, he initiated the construction of a large business-residential building in the same town, together with Pajazit Plana, the president of the above-mentioned Municipality.

49. ELISAH (Xhemajl) IMERI, nicknamed “Uli”
Born on July 10th, 1971, in the village of Vladovo, Municipality of Gnjilane. Suspected of having committed a criminal act of association for the purpose of carrying out hostile activities, in connection with the criminal act of terrorism, criminal charges were brought against him on June 14, 1999. As a member of the terrorist KLA in the area of Karadac, he was engaged in the organization of logistic aid to the local headquarters in the village of Zlaš, Municipality of Priština, intended to secure and deliver arms, military equipment, food and transporting to the KLA members, via secret channels from Albania and FYROM to the aforementioned region. Beside him, the terrorist group which was engaged in these activities, was made up of: Rexhep Veseli, aka “Fisnik”, Skender Veseli, aka “Bili”, both from Gnjilane, RamadanRamadani, aka “Hoxha”, from the village of Bukovnik, Municipality of Gnjilane, Salih Mustafa, aka “Salko”, and Fadhil Ramadani, both from the village of Maleševo, Municipality of Gnjilane, followed by Besim Imeri, Elisah’s cousin, as well as other relatives from the Preševo area, Shaqir Shaqiri, aka “Qeli”, and Bajram Selimi. After the security forces withdrew from Kosovo and Metohija, the members of this group were especially active on the territory of the villages of Dobrcane, Bukovnik, Ugljare and Podgradje, in the Gnjilane Municipality, where their headquarters were situated and where they tortured the kidnapped individuals of non-Albanian ethnic origin. In connection with that, a mass grave containing fourteen murdered Serbs was found in the village of Ugljare. The members of this terrorist group were also active in the provision of logistic aid to the LAPMB headquarters in the village of Dobrosin, Municipality of Bujanovac.

50. BEXHET (Isman) IMISHTI, alias “Kačak”
Born on August 6th, 1958, in the village of Dubrava, Municipality of Kačanik. Due to the terrorist activities which he conducted as a member of the KLA headquarters on the territory of Kačanik, he was sentenced to imprisonment, in absentia, in 1998. Up to the moment when KPC was formed, he kept the post of deputy commander of the 162nd KLA brigade, and at the beginning of 2000, he was appointed leader of the “Black Hand” terrorist group which was formed by Kosovo’s secret service. Imishti was an organizer of the illegal arms smuggling channels for the Albanian terrorists in FYROM which, after the Ohrid Agreement was signed and the situation became less tense, he employed for the smuggling of excise goods from Kosovo and Metohija to the FYRepublic of Macedonia. He is currently active in the ANA terrorist organization on the territory of FYROM, which is why members of UNMIK police are searching for him.

51. AHMET (Limon) ISUFI, nicknamed “Rexha”
Born on October 1, 1961, in the village of Djuriševci, Municipality of Kosovska Kamenica. As a member of the “Albanikos” illegal group, he was sentenced to 9 years in prison in 1983. He was the commander of the KLA general staff in the Karadak zone, with the headquarters in the Zlaš village, Municipality of Priština. After the withdrawal of the members of Serbian Ministry of Internal Affairs and the YA forces from Kosovo and Metohija, he organized the assas sination of the Serbs from the territory of the municipalities of Gnjilane, Kosovska Kamenica, Kosovska Vitina and Novo Brdo, which were committed by the members of the so-called secret police, Gjumshit Osmani and Nazmi Bekteshi, both from Gnjilane, together with individuals from the criminal groups who had arrived from other regions or from the territory of Albania. Only in Gnjilane itself, over 100 ethnic Serbs were murdered, and Isufi personally signed the order for planting an explosive device in the mosque in downtown Gnjilane. He was also engaged in providing aid to the LAPMB members, recruitment and transfer of the former KLA members to southern Serbia. He is, also, engaged in the procurement and illegal arms delivery to the territory of the villages Dobrosin, Muhovac and Breznica, Municipality of Bujanovac. He was a member of the DSK presidium, Gnjilane branch, and now, in the capacity of an ABK member, headed by Ramush Haradinaj, he keeps the post of the minister of labor and social issues in the Government of Kosovo.

52. LIRIM (Sadrija) JAKUPI, nicknamed “Nazi” and “Commander of Bujanovac”
Born on August 1st, 1979, in Vranje. As a political asylum seeker in Germany, he established contacts with the members of the Albanian emigration. In mid-1998, he answered the call of the illegal Government of Kosovo, headed by Bujar Bukoshi, and, via the secret channels, as a KLA volunteer, arrived in Kosovo and Methohija, where he joined the armed conflict with the Yugoslav and Serbian security forces on the territory of the Djakovica Municipality. After the Kumanovo Agreement was signed, he was engaged in the expulsion of the Serb population from the territory of Gnjilane and Kosovska Kamenica. In the middle of February of 2000, together with Shefqet Musliu, he became a member of the assassination group, formed by the former KLA members, which was to be the future LAPMB. Within LAPMB, he took part in the preparations and realization of terrorist acts on the territory of Bujanovac, forming and training new groups, purchasing and delivering arms and other military equipment. On a number of occasions, together with Besim Tahiri, in the border villages of the Bujanovac region, he stopped Albanians he estimated to be loyal to the Serbian authorities and demanded money from them. One of them was Ramadan Zymeri, who was harassed and physically abused by Jakupi. Allegedly for the needs of ANA, he confiscated 5,000 euros from the said individual and a vehicle of the Lada-Niva make. Other than that, all Albanians who did not support ANA activities in southern Serbia were obliged, under threats of murder, to hand over to Jakupi between 2,000 to 5,000 euros. Following LAPMB demilitarization, which he strongly opposed, he moved to Gnjilane, where he was arrested by KFOR. After he was released from prison, late in 2002, he traveled to Switzerland by illegal channels. There, he was appointed one of the officials of this organization for southern Serbia by ANA top officials. Toward the end of January 2003, he returned to Kosovo and Metohija, with the task of establishing terrorist groups intended to carry out armed attacks on the area of the Municipality of Bujanovac.

53. JANUZ (Rama) JANUZAJ
Born on January 1st, 1958, in the village of Ljubožda, Municipality of Istok. Because of his terrorist activities, he was sentenced to 10 years in prison. After serving out his sentence, together with Adem Demaqi and Rexhep Kasumi, he formed a branch of NPK in Istok. He is one of the founders of KLA in this area and a participant in a number of clashes with Yugoslav security forces, when he was wounded. Beside Azem Veseli, Naser Shatri and Naim Gjuraj, he was a member of the headquarters of the 133rd KLA brigade which, on June 18, 1999, entered Istok and, beside looting Serb property, setting fire to, and demolishing, the houses, also murdered the remaining Serb population. Because of his role in the planning and carrying out of ethnic cleansing on the territory of Istok, he was appointed president of the so-called Interim Administrative Council of that Municipality. Together with Naser Shatri who, at the same time, was appointed commander of the local police, he committed a series of murders (of Momčilo Pumpalović, the principal of the highschool in Istok and his wife Sretena, of Radonja Stojković, from the village of Žač, of Ranko and Vlasta Nedeljković, from Istok, of Raka Milovanović, from the hamlet of Opraška, the village of Koš). On that occasion, they exiled a number of individuals who had previously been mistreated and set fire to their houses (Danilo and Danica Radičević from the village of Ljubožde, Stojan Simić, Bora Ristić, Risto Ristić and Vukić Ristić, all from Ljubožde, as well as Milan Ljušić, from Istok). Under their command, the Orthodox graveyards in Istok and the neighboring villages were desecrated and damaged, while the Orthodox churches were mined (Osojani, the priests residences in Istok and Djurakovac, while the church in Pećka Banja was partly damaged). Januzi is currently the president of Ramush Haradinaj’s ABK for that area. He takes part in the operations of the municipal and regional work groups for the return of the refugees and the displaced persons which were established by UNMIK administration.

54. BASHKIM (Rifat) JASHARI
Born on November 15th, 1977, in the village of Donje Prekaze, Municipality of Srbica. Adem Jashari’s nephew. At one time, as the deputy commander of the operational zone of Drenica, he personally took part in a number of terrorist acts aimed against the members of the army and the police, carried out on the territory of Srbica. Following KLA demilitarization, he moved to KPC, where he was placed in the first RTG. His criminal role in Kosovo and Metohija is significant, in view of the fact that he is a member of Thaqi’s Drenica group. He is involved in drugs and arms trafficking, as well as in extortion and racketeering, where he cooperates with Sami Lushtaku and Rahman Rama.

55. MUSA (Halit) JASHARI
Born on June 4th, 1970, in the village of Donje Prekaze, Municipality of Srbica. Within KLA, he was a member of Adem Jashari’s terrorist group. At the beginning of the 90s, he underwent diversionary terrorist training in Albania, and from February 1998 to June 1999, he trained a group of Albanian women who, as volunteers, joined the KLA forces in the village of Likovac, Municipality of Srbica. Following KLA demilitarization, he was appointed member of the KPC general staff. He is directly connected to the Drenica criminal group, headed by Hashim Thaqi.

56. RIFAT (Shaban) JASHARI
Born on December 1st, 1946, in the village of Donje Prekaze, Municipality of Srbica. Brother of the terrorist leader Adem Jashari, living in Germany. Following the demonstrations of the Albanian separatist in Kosovo and Metohija in the eighties, Rifat Jashari moved to Germany, where he joined the top officials of NMRK. He was an organizer of, and a participant in, all significant events intended to affirm the ideas of Albanian separatism in the international community and the support for KLA. He was especially engaged in the operation of the so-called crisis headquarters for Kosovo, which was formed following an initiative of the Government of Kosovo, headed by Bujar Bukoshi. Together with Fehmi Lladrovci and Rexha Iberdemaj, he was in charge of collecting funds, in the Bavarian area, for KLA needs. At the same time, he transferred the money, and sent KLA members from Germany to Albania, for training. He was put in charge of the retreat of the terrorists abroad, after their participation in a terrorist act in K&M. In connection with this, he provided faked documents and assisted a number of Albanian terrorists, among them Sami Lushtaku, Osman Ferizi, Lulzim Jashari and Jakup Nura, and made it possible for them to receive political asylum in Germany. Rifat Jashari’s significant activities were focused on the arming of Albanian terrorists. He was engaged in the smuggling modern arms for the armed forces in K&M. On a number of occasions, he personally delivered these arms from Germany to the territory of Albania, whence, via illegal channels, they were transferred to the territory of K&M. He financially supports Hashim Thaqi’s party, from the day of its foundation. In recent times, he occasionally visits Kosmet.

57. SAHIT (Hamit) JASHARI
Born on February 9th, 1965, in the village of Donje Prekaze, Municipality of Srbica. Between 1983 and 1996, he was sentenced to a year of imprisonment, for the statutory rape of a minor. Five additional criminal charges were brought against him. He was a member of KLA from the day of its foundation, in 1992. He is suspected of having participated in a number of terrorist attacks against the members of the Serbian Ministry of Internal Affairs on the territory of Srbica and beyond. In 1996, the District Court in Priština sentenced him, in absentia, to 20 years in prison for the criminal acts of terrorism. Following the assassination of Adem Jashari, from the village of Donje Prekaze, with a diversionary terrorist group, he illegally arrived in K&M from Albania, where the group had been gathered for military training, and commenced the terrorist acts against the members of the Serbian Ministry of Internal Affairs on the territory of Drenica. In May of the same year, he was appointed warden of the illegal jail in the village of Likovac where Serbs and Albanians loyal to the Republic of Serbia were held. In this jail, Domo Smigić, from the village of Leocin, was killed, while Dostana Šmigić, allegedly, was transferred from Likovci to the jail in the village of Voćnjak, where all traces of her were lost. Together with Sylejman Selimi, aka “Sultan”, he especially excelled in the torture and abuse of the prisoners, some of which he himself killed. Towards the end of June 1998, together with Selimi, Valdat Rama and Rasim Kiqina, he took Ivan Bulatović and Žarko Spasić from the prison in Likovac, led them into the forest in the vicinity of the village of Bajnice and shot them death. The next assassination committed by the said group occurred in the village of Ovčarevo, when 10 kidnapped persons were killed, mostly workers of the Power Company of Kosovo. Among the murdered persons were Mirko Buha, Miroslav Trifunović, Zoran Adžačić, Filip Gojković and a Roma, Brahini, from Srbica, whose hand was cut off by Sahit Jashari prior to the assassination. In these assassinations, beside Jashari, the following men took part: Sami Lushtaku, Xhavit Nuraku, Sylejman Selimi, Rasim Kiqina, Emin Gjinovci, Afrim Shureci and Valdat Rama. In March 1999, this group kidnapped Miljan Mitrović, from the village of Mijalić, and killed his father Radivoje and uncle Ljubiša Mitrović, from the same village. On June 12, 1999 Jashari’s group kidnapped Zvonko Stepić from Kosovo Polje. Two weeks later, after his parents had paid the ransom, he was released following Hashim Thaqi’s order, between February 1998 and June 1999, Jashari was the commander of the special forces in charge of the jail in the village of Likovac, Municipality of Srbica, where the kidnapped ethnic Serbs, as well as Albanians loyal to the Republic of Serbia, were held. Following the arrival of the international forces in K&M, he was appointed chief of police of the first operative zone of Drenica, with the headquarters in Srbica, and in July 2002, he was promoted to the rank of a KPC colonel. In this period, he continued to organize forced expulsion of non-Albanian population from K&M. One of the priority tasks which he imposed upon his subordinates in KPC was the making of lists with the data on the current addresses of individuals who fought against KLA, with a standing order of killing them the moment they were available. He maintains contact with Sami Lushtaku, from the village of Donje Prekaze, Municipality of Srbica, who is in charge of sending terrorist groups from the territory of Drenica to southern Serbia and FYROM, where Jashari was engaged in the training of the volunteers who were to be transferred to the terrorist units in those areas.

58. NAIM (Halit) KADRIU, alias “Lumi”
Born on June 6, 1974, in the village of Turučica, Municipality of Podujevo. He was the head of the secret service on the territory of Podujevo and Priština and, in June 1999, he was appointed police commander in Podujevo. Together with Latif Gashi and Nazif Mehmeti, he participated in the assassination of an operative of the security service of Serbian Ministry of Internal Affairs, Milić Jović, in Podujevo. He is also responsible for the arrest of a number of ethnic Serbs and Albanians (Alush Kastrati, Hatem Jashari, Agim Musliu, Idriz Svarça, Drita Bunjaku-Voci, Nazmi Rustemi, the Rakovica brothers, Hakim Hoti, Fehmi Potera, Bexhet Nazifi, Milan Stanković, Drago Tijanić, Osman Sinani, who was subsequently murdered, Milovan Stanković, Ratko Vićentijević, Visar Voca, Sabri Berisha, Mirveta Konjushevci, Goran Zbiljić, Čedomir Blagojević, Živorad Biserčić). He is one of the perpetrators of the terrorist attacks carried out on August 28, 1996, in the village of Donje Ljupče, Municipality of Podujevo, where a member of the central state security forces of Priština, Ejup Bajgora, was assassinated. He is a secretary of a branch of Hashim Thaqi’s party in Podujevo. In July 2003, by a verdict of the International Court, he was sentenced to 5 years in prison, for the war crimes committed on the territory of Priština and Podujevo.

59. GINER (Qamil) KAMBERI
Born on January 3, 1975 in the village of Djelekapa, Municipality of Vitina. From the end of 1998, he was an active KLA member on the territory of Drenica, and after the YA forces and the members of the Serbian Ministry of Internal Affairs were withdrawn from the territory of K&M, he was engaged as a security officer in the KLA 173rd brigade. Following KPC formation in Vitina, where he held the rank of a major, he formed a special secret police department. At the same time, as a member of the “Black Eagle” terrorist organization, he participated in the organization and execution of assassinations, harassment and forced expulsion of ethnic Serbs from the territory of the Vitina Municipality. During the armed conflict in southern Serbia, he was one of the commanders of LAPMB in the village of Sefer, Municipality of Preševo. Toward the end of 2002, he was expelled from KPC, and at this moment, as an active ANA member, he heads a group of some 20 terrorists in the village of Djelekare, Municipality of Vitina. Kamberi is included in the organized arms and drugs trafficking and invested huge amounts of money, acquired in this manner, into the purchase of Serb property on the territory of Vitina.

60. AJVAZ (Behram) KARPUZI
Born on May 21st, 1956, in the village of Sedlare, Municipality of Lipljan. He stayed in Albania until 1991 and, after completing his military training, he left for Western Europe, where he joined Albanian emigration and became, from 1998 onward, one of the most extreme members of KLA. He was a member of the headquarters of KLA 121st brigade, as well as an officer of the “military police”, engaged in the planning and direct conduct of terrorist acts aimed against the members of the Serbian Ministry of Internal Affairs and the YA forces on the territory of the villages of Crnoljevo, Lapušnik, Klečka and Magura. In September 1998, the members of the aforementioned unit, carried out a terrorist act against Milosav Stanišić, from the village of Slovinja, a reserve police officer of the police station in Lipljan, who suffered a leg wound. In October of the same year, he took part in the terrorist attack against Fatmir Qerinaj’s family, from the village of Petrović, Municipality of Štimlje, a policeman from the station in Lipljan, in the arrest of two of Tanjug’s journalists and the assassination of several Albanians loyal to the Republic of Serbia. After June 1999, he organized ethnic cleansing on the territory of Lipljan and the neighboring villages. He is one of the organizers of, and the participants in, the terrorist act carried out on July 23, 1999, in the village of Staro Gracko, Municipality of Lipljan, in which 14 individuals were killed (Novica Janićijević, Stanimir Djekić, Božidar Djekić, Miodrag Tepšić, Andrija Oldalovac, Mile Janićijević, Momčilo Janićijević, Slobodan Janićijević, Milovan Jovanović, Jovica Živić, Radovan Živić, Saša Cvejić, Ljubiša Cvejić and Nikola Stojanović).

61. AJET KASTRATI
Originally from Kišna Reka, Municipality of Glogovac. A former YA officer, serving at the Glogovac army district. As one of the commanders of the 121st KLA brigade in Glogovac, he was a member of the “Plumbi” (“Pigeon”) group, headed by Jakup Krasniqi, which encompassed KLA members from the villages of Lapušnik, Vukovci, Negrovce, Vuk and Orlat. He organized and handled the training of a number of terrorist groups in Drenica. He is currently in command of the KPC main logistics headquarters, with the rank of colonel.

62. KADRI (Ferat) KASTRATI, nicknamed “Daja”
Born on March 15th, 1960, in the village of Velika Reka, Municipality of Podujevo. A former non-commissioned officer of the Yugoslav National Army. In May 1998, he illegally crossed the border from Albania to K&M where, by the decision of the KLA general stuff, he was appointed commander in the Lab operative zone. Following his and Rustem Mustafa’s and Nuredin Ibisi’s order, the terrorist group “Kastjela” (“Fortress”) was formed, headed by Haki Statovci, aka “Lumi”, whose members were active in the ethnic cleansing of the territory of Priština, as well as in the assassination of the Albanians who had any connections with the security service of the Republic of Serbia. Following the withdrawal of the Serbian Ministry of Internal Affairs and YA forces from K&M, Kastrati was appointed head of the logistics department of KPC general staff and, at the beginning of May 2001, he was appointed commander of the 4th RTG KPC, by the KPC commander, Agim Çeku, with the headquarters in Kosovska Mitrovica.

63. MENSUR (Ferit) KASUMI
Born on June 25th, 1966, in the village of Skočna, Municipality of Vučitrn. He organized a terrorist group in 1998 in the village of Žilivode, Municipality of Vučitrn, and subsequently formed KLA general staff for this and 20 other villages in the municipalities of Vučitrn and Obilić. As the commander of the general stuff, he was engaged in the promotion of KLA, taking part, at the same time, in terrorist acts, among which the attack on the strip mining site of the Belaćevac mine, as well as on the villages of Sibovac and Prilužje, along with a number of actions against the members of the Serbian Ministry of Internal Affairs and the YA forces. Because of his engagement within KLA, in 1999 Hashim Thaqi appointed him Deputy Minister of Internal Affairs in the interim Government of Kosovo.

64. NASER (Meto) KELMENDI
Born on February 15th, 1957, in Peć. In early 90s, he acquired great wealth from cigarette smuggling, which is why a number of criminal charges were brought against him. As one of the richest Albanians, he was one of the major financiers of KLA activities. Together with Ekrem Lluka, from Peć, Agim Elshani, from Ozrim, Municipality of Peć, Naser Shatri, from Istok, and others, Kelmendi belongs to an organized crime clan headed by Ramush Haradinaj. This group holds a monopoly on drug, arms, human and cigarette trafficking on the territory of Peć. Two gas stations and a few boutiques Kelmendi owns on the territory of this Municipality, only serve as a front for his drugs, oil and oil derivates trafficking activities. He is the main financier and organizer of the drug sale, especially cocaine and heroin, which arrive to Peć by bus from Istanbul and, to a lesser degree, from Albania. The, via Peć and Rožaje, they are transferred to Novi Pazar and then, finally, to the end users in the countries of Western Europe. In the first half of 2001, UNMIK police confiscated Kelmendi‘s and Ekrem Lluka‘s contraband cigarettes in the “Dukadjini” zone of operations, in the village of Zahać, Municipality of Peć in the amount estimated at thousands of German marks. Lluka and Kelmendi, in cooperation with Haradinaj and Ethem Çeku, directly financed the activities of the Albanian terrorist groups which, from the territory of Peć, were transferred into southern Serbia and western FYROM. Kelmendi owns a freight forwarding company in Sarajevo and has twenty trucks at his disposal for the transport of goods most of which is located on the territory of Peć. He has a dual citizenship, of Serbia and Montenego and of B&H. In Sarajevo, he hired a number of mujahedins as bodyguards. For a couple of months, at the beginning of 2002, he remained in Sarajevo, worried about his security in K&M because, at the end of 2001, he had organized an armed attack on the office of UNMIK’s police located in the Cultural Center in Peć, with the intention of destroying evidence of his criminal activities.

65. HISNI (Bajram) KILAJ
Born on December 19th, 1993, in the village of Ljubižda, Municipality of Orahovac. As the fund manager of the so-called Committee for Financing the Republic of Kosovo, he made contacts with members of the NPK illegal organization “Bali Kombetar”, PNDS and others. At the beginning of 1998, together with Fatmir Limaj, Gani Krasniqi and Skender Krasniqi, he founded a KLA unit for the region of Mališevo and, as one of the commanders of the 122nd KLA brigade, took part in the attacks on the members of the Serbian Ministry of Internal Affairs and the YA forces, as well as on the Serb and Albanian civilians. He committed terrorist acts in coordination with Jakup Krasniqi, Rame Buja, Sokol Bashota and Sylejman Selimi. Together with Limaj, he organized the assassination of a few dozen ethnic Serbs and Montenegrins at the infamous execution site in the village of Klečka, Municipality of Lipljan. After the Kumanovo Agreement was signed, following orders of DPK top officials, he was engaged in taking over the local authorities and was the head administrator in Mališevo. He is the president of that party’s branch in Mališevo.

66. ANTON (Ton) KITAJ
Born on April 20th, 1978, in the village of Budisavci, Municipality of Klina. In 1998 he joined the terrorist group which, together with Pal Merditaj, was led by his brother Gjon, aka Vilson (born on April 2nd, 1976). They carried out their tasks as members of the 112th brigade, commanded by Gani Thaqi. The Kitaj brothers, even prior to the establishment of KLA, were well known as individuals prone to criminal activities, i. e., they were involved in blackmail, arms smuggling, theft, robbery and the like. On May 19, 1998, the group they belonged to killed Dalibor Lazarević, a minor from the village of Veliko Kruševo and, in August 1998, they kidnapped Barllec Colij and his son Niko, from the village of Zlokućane. They continued their criminal activities after the arrival of KFOR and UNMIK to K&M, cleansing the non-Albanian population, looting and burning the houses and destroying the graveyards in the villages of Naglavke and Budisavci. On June 19, 1999, the Kitaj brothers, Anton and Gjon, killed the brothers Radosav and Dušan Dašić, from the village of Rudice, Municipality of Klina. With their group, on July 19th 1999, they kidnapped the monk, Stefan (Gradimir Puljić), from the monastery of Budisavci and Vujadin Vujović, a teacher from the village of Stup, Municipality of Klina, whose bodies, together with the bodies of 20 other Serbs, were later found in a well in Istok. Gjon Kitaj also killed Zorka Šiljković, from the village of Rudica. In June 1999, the same group kidnapped a number of persons whose destiny remains unknown. They are: Mihajlo Dašić, his sons Milutin and Dragan, and Jovanka Dašić, all from the village of Rudica, Municipality of Klina, and Milena Dončić and her son Ilija, Cveta Djordjević, from the village of Bič, as well as Radivoje, Jovana and Radojica Vidić, from the village of Klinavac, Municipality of Klina. Anton Kitaj, together with his cousin Frok Kitaj, following orders by Naser Shatri, in July of 2000, kidnapped and later killed Shaban Manaj. The Kitaj family, headed by Anton and Gjon, is one of the leading criminal groups that controlls the area between Klina and Istok. Armed members of this family, posing as members of ANA, control all persons moving through the area, ask for their ID cards. They are also involved in the trafficking of arms and stolen vehicles.

67. FADHIL (Shaqir) KODRA
Born on November 19th, 1965, in the village of Donje Prekaze, Municipality of Srbica. Due to his participation in a number of terrorist acts against the members of the Serbian Ministry of Internal Affairs and YA forces, he was sentenced, in absentia, to 20 years in prison in 1997. Towards the end of 1998, together with Sami Lushtaku, he performed the function of a Deputy Commander of the 112th “Fehmi Lladrovci” brigade, in charge of leading the military, special and local police forces. After that, he became commander of the special units for the operations zone of Drenica. Towards the end of August 2002, the members of the international forces in K&M searched his house in the Kodra district, the village of Donje Prekaze and discovered firearms and ammunition. He is connected with the members of the Drenica criminal group, headed by Hashim Thaqi. He is currently at the post of the Commander of the Information Division G-2, within the 4th RTG of KPC.

68. ARIF (Qamil) KRASNIQI, aka “Mujo”
Born on April 9th, 1971, in the village of Sibovac, Municipality of Obilić. In Germany he joined an extremist emigrant organization and made contacts with the members of the illegal organization PMKL. He arrived in K&M in 1998 and became one of the top KLA officials. In the region of Čičavica he formed a terrorist group called “Hakaret”. He took active part in the kidnapping of Dragan Vukmirović, Zoran, Dušan and Petar Adžandžić, Filip Gojković, Marko Buha, Miroslav Trifunović, Srboljub Savić and Božidar Alimpić, an employee of the Belaćevac mine on June 22, 1998, as well as of Žarko Spasić, who was kidnapped on May 14, 1998.

69. GANI (Selman) KRASNIQI
Born on November 23rd, 1950, in the village of Crni Lug, Municipality of Klina. He is one of the founders of the illegal organization PNDS for the area of Mališevo, Municipality of Orahovac. As the commander of the 122nd KLA brigade, within the operative zone of Paštrik, with the headquarters in the village of Mališevo, he organized groups that committed terrorist acts. In July 1998, he took part in the kidnapping of some 50 persons from the territory of Orahovac, who are believed to have been killed and thrown into the limekiln in the village of Klečka, Municipality of Lipljan. The unit Krasniqi commanded performed its tasks in coordination with Fatmir Limaj’s unit, and Krasniqi’s closest collaborators at that time were Hisni Kilaj, from the village of Ljubižda, Municipality of Orahovac, Sokol Bashota, from Cerovik, Municipality of Klina, Alush Agushi, from the village of Drenovac, Municipality of Klina, Fadil Gashi, from Čupevo, Hallit Krasniqi, from Iglarevo, Gjemal Gashi, aka “Cerman”, from Grebnika, and others. After the withdrawal of the Serbian Ministry of Internal Affairs and YA forces from the territory of K&M, Krasniqi, leading his group, continued terrorist activities, intercepting vehicles, kidnapping and murdering ethnic Serbs. At the same time, as a member of Hashim Thaqi’s DPK party, he was elected president of the Municipality Mališevo at the first elections.

70. GJIMSHIT (Riza) KRASNIQI
Born on December 12th, 1963, in the village of Leskovac, Municipality of Prizren. He was the main perpetrator of the terrorist acts in the region of Prizren from 1994, as a member of the terrorist organization PMKL. Following orders from PMKL, he formed a terrorist group in 1996 and, at the time of the attempt to arrest him, in March 1998, he managed to escape to Albania. Together with Xhevat Berisha and Hajrim Çengaj, he formed KLA headquarters in the village of Jeskovo, Prizren, and became one of the top officials of the headquarters. He was engaged in organizing the training and illegal transfer of arms. In the clash with a patrol of the YA forces and of the Serbian Ministry of Internal Affairs, in July of 1998, his group killed the YA officer, Bojan Denić, and seriously wounded the policeman Rustem Agushi. During the armed conflict, Krasniqi carried out oral and written commands of KLA so-called Court Martial responsible for the assassination of ethnic Serbs and for the destruction of their property on the territory of Prizren. The aforementioned court martial was headed by Sokol Dobruna, from Djakovica, and Ilaz Kadolli, from Suva Reka. Beside Krasniqi, the group for the assassination of the Serbs also included Elbasan Shoshaj, from the village of Leskovac, and an individual who goes by the nickname of “Uli”. Krasniqi, among other things, is responsible for the assassination of Sezair Skenderi’s family of four, from Prizren. Following the establishment of KPC, he was promoted to one of the top positions for the territory of Prizren and, at the same time, he was in charge of the so-called Secret Service of Kosovo on the same territory, responsible for ethnic cleansing and assassination of the members of the local Serb and other non-Albanian population. The top KPC officials placed him in charge of illegal transfer of arms and other military equipment from Albania for the needs of ANA in FYROM and in southern Serbia. At the beginning of 2002, he was arrested by KFOR and spent some two weeks in detention.

71. EMIN (Hazir) KRASNIQI
Born on July 15th, 1957, in the village of Dajkovac, Municipality of Kosovska Kamenica. He is a DPK representative in Kosovo’s Parliament. In 1981 he formed, on the territory of the Municipality of Kosovska Kamenica, the illegal “Albanikos” group, which earned him a prison sentence of 14 years in prison, of which he served nine. As a KLA member, he completed his military training in Albania and, after his return to K&M, he participated in the conflicts with the members of the YA and the Serbian Ministry of Internal Affairs in the Karadak zone of operations. Following the withdrawal of the Serbian Ministry of Internal Affairs and of YA forces from K&M, as KLA’s commander for the Municipality of Kosovska Kamenica, he was the one who issued orders for the forced expulsion of the non-Albanian population from this Municipality. Later, he became one of the top officials of the 6th RTG of KPC, with the headquarters in Gnjilane. During the time of LAPMB’s activities on the territory of southern Serbia, Krasniqi organized young Albanians and sent them to this organization. Ridvan Qazimi, aka “Commander Leshi”, stayed in his house in the village of Dajkovac, for a long time and made daily trips to the “security zone”. Because of the authority he has over Hashim Thaqi, Krasniqi controls certain criminal activities (arms smuggling and racketeering), coordinating, at the same time, the appearance of ANA members on the territory of Kosovska Kamenica Municipality.

72. JAKUP (Januz) KRASNIQI
Born on January 1st, 1951 in the village of Nergovac, Municipality of Glogovac. Sentenced in 1982 for his activities within NPK. He is one of the ideologists and founders of KLA on the territory of Drenica and of the unit called “Plumbi” (“Dove”), which he commanded. In the KLA general staff for K&M he was a spokesman and a member of KLA’s political directorate for K&M so that he was acquainted with the activities of the KLA members in the field of kidnapping, assassinations, physical abuse of Serb population and with other activities. He took part in organizing and kidnapping of ethnic Serbs from Orahovac during the month of July 1998, in their maltreatment, rape and massacre in the village of Klečka, where the charred remains of their bodies were found. Beside this, he directly participated in the attack on the village of Iglarevo, Municipality of Klina. He is now secretary general of Hashim Thaqi’s DPK and the minister of public services in the Government of Kosovo.

73. SKENDER (Nezir) KRASNIQI
Born on January 29th, 1959, in Orahovac. As a volunteer from Germany, he joined the KLA units in K&M in 1998 and became the Commander of the 122nd KLA brigade for a few villages in the Paštrik zone of operations. His family estate, in the village of Vojnik, was used as the headquarters of that brigade and as one of the secure places for sheltering volunteers and arms. The aforementioned brigade was enlarged when a terrorist group from the village of Drenovac, which was later named “Gani Paqarizi”, joined them in August 1998. As a member of the 122nd brigade, commanded by Gjelal Gashi, aka “Djerman”, while its police was headed by Fatmir Limaj, Krasniqi committed a number of crimes on the territory of Orahovac and Mališevo against the Serbs and the Albanians who refused to join KLA. on May 17, he took part in the attack on the police and army forces in the vicinity of Orahovac 1998 and in the kidnapping of 50 Serbs and Montenegrins from that territory. They were subsequently tortured and murdered on a hill over the village of Zatrić, Municipality of Orahovac. He is also responsible for the murder of Hasan Morina, from the village of Senovac, Muram Rustemi, from the village of Drenovac, Hidaj Popaj, from the village of Bela Crkva and Hisen Krasniqi, from the village of Danjane, as well as for the attack on the village of Bela Crkva and the murder of Sveta Tomić, the director of Jugobanka from Djakovica (the direct perpetrators of this crime were Isuf Gashi, Bedri Zuberaj and the members of Gani Paqarizi family). Together with Enver Hoti, from the village of Crni Lug, Municipality of Klina, he was accused of kidnapping and murdering of Branko Staletić and his son Ranko, from the village of Mlečani. He is currently one of KPC commanders for the territory of Mališevo.

74. BAJRAM (Nevzad) KRYEZIU
Born on January 30, 1955, in the village of Rogačica, Municipality of Kosovska Kamenica. As a member of the KLA general staff for the Karadac zone, and the KLA commander for the village of Rogačica, he was one of those who issued orders for the assassination and kidnapping of the Serbs on the territory of the Municipality of Kosovska Kamenica. He organized the murder of Stojan Tasić, from the village of Čarakovac and of the policeman Trajan Trajković, from the village of Kololač, Municipality of Kosovska Kamenica, while the actual perpetrators of the crime were members of his terrorist group acting on the territory of this Municipality. Beside that, he organized and executed terrorist attacks on police checkpoints in the village of Končulj, Municipality of Bujanovac, and planned a series of terrorist attacks on the police stations in Bujanovac and Preševo. Following the withdrawal of the members of the Serbian Ministry of Internal Affairs and the YA forces from the Municipality of Kosovska Kamenica in July 1999, he organized a parade of the KLA members in the villages inhabited by the Albanian population, aiming to demonstrate the power of this organization. After KPC was formed, he became the spokesman for the 6th RTG in Gnjilane and was also in charge with the coordination of cooperation with the members of the international community on the territory of the Municipality of Kosovska Kamenica. As a lieutenant colonel of KPC, together with the members of ANA, he carefully watched the terrain in the Municipality of Bujanovac and followed the activities of the police force, with the intention of carrying out new terrorist attacks in that region.

75. MAZLOM (Alija) KUMNOVA
Born on March 17th, 1946, in Djakovica. In October 1993, he was sentenced to five years imprisonment by the District Court in Peć. On August 25, 1998, criminal charges were brought against Kumnova and 97 members of the terrorist group from Djakovica by the district public prosecutor’s office. At the beginning of the 90s, together with Bajram Mehmeti, Nasim Zeka, Nur Murtezi and Lulzim Shasivari, he was engaged in the organization of Albanian paramilitary units thus forming an illegal national defense headquarters where he performed the duties of a deputy commander of the headquarters, in charge of the rear lines and finances. In the terrorist base in the village of Jablanica, he was engaged in the formation of a city guerilla and, together with Sokol Dobruna, he organized the illegal transfer of a large number of arms and other military equipment from Albania. In April and May 1999, on the territory of Djakovica, in the Čabrat settlement, following his direct instructions, Hekuran Hoda and Abdulah Babalija committed a number of criminal acts in which three member of the police and army forces were killed and a dozen suffered slight wounds. After the arrival of KFOR, Kumnova proclaimed himself to be the “first mayor of liberated Djakovica”. He is currently the president of ABK branch in the same city.

76. MIRSAD (Jusuf) KURTESHI, alias “Dubula”
Born on July 1st, 1975, in Priština. He was one of the most active KLA members in this city. As a member of the terrorist group headed by Abedin Sogojeva, one of the top officials of the KLA secret police for the Obilić region he took part in the massacre of seven ethnic Serbs in the village of Mazgit, Municipality of Obilić in June 1999 and in the destruction of a dozen or so Serb houses in Obilić in November of that same year. Between 1999 and 2000, he was involved in the terrorist activities of the group headed by Arif Krasniqi, aka “Muja”. He took part in the murder of the Rapajić family from Obilić, on December 28, 2000, together with Kadri Sulejmani, aka “Mouse”, a member of the KLA secret police, with Sabit Lladrovci, a former KLA member, now engaged in the 1st RTG of KPC, with Muhamet Çerkezi, aka “Çerkez”, a member of LAPMB, and Ahmet Çerkezi and already mentioned Sogojeva. Together with the above listed individuals he planted explosives in the Kastelo restaurant in Obilić, where the Serb population congregates. He is connected with the murder of Miladija Stanojević, the harassment of ethnic Serbs, KPS members (for example Tanja Mihajlović from Priština), with the destruction and plunder of Serb property in that region, as well as with physical abuse (Stojka Stojanović, Muhamed Limaj, Tomica Antić, Novica Ilić, Milenko Mihailović and others). Because of the said activities, he was arrested by KFOR and UNMIK police on a number of occasions.

77. AGIM (Latif) KUQI
Born on October 7th, 1963, in Suva Reka. In June 1998, together with Blerim Kuqi, Naim Berisha, Osmani Elshani, aka “Shlafi”, and a certain Nusret from Samodreža, he formed a terrorist group on the territory of the Reštane village, in the Suva Reka Municipality. Agim and Blerim Kuqi managed the main KLA headquarters for the villages of Opteruša and Zočiste, situated in the village of Dobrodeljane, in the Suva Reka Municipality. Following their orders, they illegally purchased arms and ammunition. Kuqi’s group, on the Suva Reka – Orahovac route, better known as the Restansi road, wounded the policeman Milorad Nešković and murdered Sadriu Kryeziu from Suva Reka. In the middle of July 1998, under his command, 16 Serbs were kidnapped from Opteruša and Zočiste and were subsequently taken to the Drenovac village while their houses, along with the houses of other Serbs in those villages, were burned to the ground. Following the action of the members of the Serbian Ministry of Internal Affairs and the YA forces in the region of Suva Reka, Agim, Blerim and Ruzhdi Kuqi and Osmani Elshani, aka “Shlafi”, fled to Albania and joined FARK.

78. RAMIZ (Muhamet) LLADROVCI
Born on January 3rd, 1966, in the village of Gladno Selo, Municipality of Glogovac. In the middle of 1993, he spent some time in Albania where he was engaged in organizing of military training for individuals who, having completed the training, were sent to K&M, with the purpose to carry out diversionary terrorist activities. At the end of the same year, he went to Germany where he joined and was active in the work of NMRK, primarily in the field of arms, ammunition and military equipment acquisition, which he transferred to K&M and sent to his brother Fehmi, one of the most influental KLA commanders in the Drenica region (killed in 1998). For KLA needs, he recruited young Albanians who were employed in Germany and other Western Europe countries. After the Serbian security forces withdrew, he came to K&M, where he was immediately accepted into KPC and appointed deputy commander of the National Guard within this formation. Throughout 2001, he was engaged in providing logistic support to LAPMB members, as well as to Albanian terrorists active on the territory of the Republic of Macedonia. He used his high position in KPC to acquire financial benefits. His associates accuse him of embezzling huge amounts of money from the funds collected by the Albanian emigrants as aid to KLA and later KPC formations. Because of his connection with the terrorist organizations, he was placed on the American “black list” of organizations that have restricted access to financial aid, i.e., of the individuals who are forbidden to enter the US. Also, he is also banned from all activities of KPC for a year.

79. FATMIR (Kadri) LIMAJ, alias “Steel”
Born on February 4th, 1971, in the village of Banja, Municipality of Suva Reka. From 1992 to 1994, he was engaged in the illegal organization PMKL. Toward the end of 1995 he joined KLA where, under the command of Rexhep Selimi, he was in charge of identifying individuals who were collaborating with the Serbian Ministry of Internal Affairs and of carrying out all preparations for the terrorist acts against the Serb security forces in Mališevo and Orahovac. In 1996, together with Selimi, he planned and attempted to murder Shukri Krasniqi, from the village of Banja, and Vesel Pintolij, from the village of Temećin, Municipality of Suva Reka. During 1998, he was the commander of the camp in the village of Lapušnica, Glogovac Municipality, where, in the period between June 22 and July 25 of the same year, 22 individuals were held and, physically abused and murdered. Among the victims were Milovan and Miodrag Krstić, Boban Mitrović, Živorad Krstić, Stamen Genov, Djordje Djuk and Siniša Blagojević. He was the initiator and direct participant in the capture and abuse of ethnic Albanians and Serbs and he demonstrated special brutality in his direct participation in the genocide against the civilians, since, following his orders, in the limekiln in the village of Klečka, Municipality of Lipljan, over 50 individuals were burned. He was the organizer and perpetrator of the attack on Orahovac on July 17, 1998, when over 50 people were kidnapped, of whom 40 are still listed as missing. At the beginning of October 1999, the group headed by Fatmir Limaj kidnapped, in front of a number of citizens, Ramiz Hoxha, in the Belanica village, because he had allegedly negotiated with the members of the Serbian Ministry of Internal Affairs the return of Albanian refugees from the village of Banja to their homes. Ramiz Hoxha was later murdered. Together with Rexhep Selimi, he founded the “Falcon’s Eye” group which, beside terrorist activities (primarily murder), was involved in the arms and drug trafficking, racketeering, organized prostitution and the like. These activities were carried out in collaboration with the members of the crime clans composed of the Elshani and Kolaku families, from Suva Reka region. For a certain time period, Limaj was in the position of Kosovo’s deputy defense minister only to be arrested by Slovenian police on February 17, 2003, and taken to the Scheveningen jail, having been indicted by the Hague Tribunal for crimes against humanity and the violation of the laws and customs of war (for killing civilians in the jail located in the Lapušnik village). From the top echelons of DPK, an initiative was launched to form a special fund for the defense of Fatmir Limaj, one of the most trusted associates of that party’s president, Hashim Thaqi. The initiative was delivered to the Government of Kosovo. The initiative suggests that, from the budget of the Government of Kosovo, two million euros be taken for the said purpose. At the same time, pressure was exerted on the owners of companies and shops to contribute between a hundred and a thousand euros for the same purpose.

80. EKREM (Kurtesh) LLUKA, aka “Vuka”
Born on October 11th, 1959, in Peć. In 1992, as the owner of the Dukadjini printing house in Peć, he helped make a seal for the elementary and secondary schools in the Albanian language with the inscription reading “Kosovo Republic”. Lluka diversified his business activities in the second half of the 90s, thanks to his association with, and the financial support to, Sellim Shabani and Salli Nimani. He is currently one of the financially most powerful people in the province and the owner of a number of companies on the territory of K&M and abroad. Among other things, he owns a cigarette factory, a brewery, a radio and television station. Also, a chain of restaurants and hotels and a basketball team. He is one of the main financiers of Albanian terrorists in Kosovo and Metohija and, towards the end of the 90s, he provided close to two million euros for their needs. Recently he was allegedly forced to pay the racket amounting to around 100,000 euros a month. He is involved in trafficking of cigarettes, in oil and oil derivates, and motor vehicles, and is included in drugs and arms trafficking (via the network in Turkey, Bulgaria, Greece, FYROM, Serbia and Montenegro, Albania, Italy and Germany). At the same time, he controls the Serbian–Albanian mafia and trade along the Priština-Belgrade-Priština route. His closest associates in these operations are Isa Balaj and Alli Haskaj. Considerable profits are gained by trafficking in women from Bulgaria, the Czech Republic and Slovakia, who are later forced into prostitution. He is involved in “money laundering” activities, for which he uses his companies “Albatroniks” and “Dukadjini”. Via the “Albatroniks” company, a certain amount of money has been transferred and paid into the accounts of certain Islamic non-governmental organizations, which are suspected of being connected with the Islamic fundamentalists in Syria. Ekrem’s brother, Agim Lluka, is a co-owner of the “Albatroniks” company which carries out the largest part of the smuggled cigarettes trade. Beside that, Ekrem Lluka uses EMK Petrol for transporting weapons and military equipment through Albania to FYROM. He is very close with the members of the Haradinaj family and he conducts his activities in collaboration with and following the authorization of Hashim Thaqi and Ramush Haradinaj, and is closely connected with Agim Çeku and Arben Xhaferi, the leaders of the terrorist groups in FYROM. Ekrem Lluka’s connections with the Elshani family are especially indicative. It is a family which, among other criminal activities, is involved in serious threats to, and elimination of, Ramush Haradinaj’s political rivals. Towards the end of October 2002, the members of the Italian police, while trying to cut the main cigarette smuggling routes in K&M, searched Lluka’s business premises (cigarette plant in Zahać) and, on that occasion, seized around 280 tons of cigarettes, while Ekrem Lluka and Naser Kelmendi were taken into custody and later released to await trial.

81. ISA (Bajram) LATIFI
Born on August 25th, 1964, in the village of Štedim, Municipality of Podujevo. Carrying out the orders of top KLA commanders on the territory of the operative zone of Lab to murder certain ethnic Serbs in Podujevo, on June 23, 1999, he killed Slobodan Mirović and, three days later, Sreten Živković. Two months later, together with Fehmi Jakupi and Samet Arifi, he killed Srbislav Djukić, from the village of Glavnik, and Radovan Djindjić, from Podujevo.

82. MUHAMET (Braim) LATIFI
Born on May 26th, 1955, in the village of Polatna, Municipality of Podujevo. He was one of the organizers of KLA for the Podujevo region and the whole Lab zone. During 1998 and 1999, he carried out duties of the commander of the so-called territorial defense of Kosovo and, after KPC was formed, he was appointed military police commander of the 5th RTG. In the second half of 1999, he headed so-called 2nd group of KLA’s police in the region of Priština, with 46 members situated in a building belonging to the Catholic church. This group was in charge of the camp where Serb prisoners were held, located in the village of Gornja Lapaštica, in the hamlet of Žergovo. There, Latifi and with three members of his group murdered Miroslav Milačić from Podujevo, Branko Marković and Branko Djukić from Priština, and Jovica Kordić, from Vučitrn. Following Daut Rexhepi’s orders, from the Corps for the Defense of Kosovo, in mid-1999, Latifi planted explosives in the market place in the village of Bresje, Municipality of Kosovo Polje, on which occasion two Serbs were killed and some 40 persons were wounded. Moreover, in the second half of 1999, he was in charge of overseeing the area between Merdare and Podujevo, where he headed a terrorist group, the socalled Assassination Guard, which was formed in order to carry out attacks on the local non-Albanian population. Organizing some kind of illegal customs authority on the territory under his control, he banned the import of goods produced in Serbia and demolished each shop that sold them. This “customs authority” imposed tax on the illegal felling of state and privately owned forests (whose owners were Serbs), in the amount of 5 DM per cubic meter.

83. LULZIM (Azir) LECI, alias “Gjagji”
Born on February 23rd, 1974, in the village of Gminac, Municipality of Kosovska Kamenica. He was an assistant commander of KLA’s Karadak zone and a member of KLA headquarters for the Municipality of Kosovska Kamenica. In 1999, these headquarters were located in his house, in the village of Gminac, where a large amount of weapons was also stored. He managed a group of 15 KLA members which carried out a few murders and set a large number of houses on fire in the villages of Oraovica, Firiceji and in Kosovska Kamenica itself. Also, he organized an attack on the Bogdanović couple (Milutin and Taska), in the village of Kriljevo, Municipality of Kosovska Kamenica, in August 2000. While LAPMB was active in southern Serbia, he organized the transfer of terrorists from K&M into LAPMB and, on a number of occasions, he stayed in the security zone. He is currently in the position of an adviser in the Ministry of Labor and Social Policies in the Government of Kosovo.

84. AFRIM (Hallit) LULAJ, alias “Abu Musem”
Born on September 12th, 1974, in the city of Osek Hilja, Municipality of Djakovica. He was a member of the infamous “Abu Bekir Sidik” unit composed of foreign mercenaries – mujahedins and the most extreme Albanian terrorists from K&M. Within this unit, Lulaj headed the branch in the village of Smonica. He took part in the organization and implementation of terrorist attacks against the members of the Serbian Ministry of Internal Affairs and the YA forces, on the Čabrat hill, over Djakovica, on the Djakovica-Dečani route.

85. NUREDIN (Jetulah) LUSHTAKU
Born on February 27th, 1967, in the village of Donje Prekaze, Municipality of Srbica. Because of his terrorist activities, he was sentenced, in absentia, to 20 years in prison in 1997. From 1991, he was a member of Adem Jashari’s terrorist group and took part in a large number of terrorist acts on the territory of Drenica and other parts of K&M. Beside other activities, he took part in the attack on a police convoy in the Ludović village, Municipality of Srbica, in 1997, and together with a group of terrorists from the village of
Lauša, Municipality of Srbica, he was a perpetrator of the assassination of Sefer Zani, from the village of Poljance. After Adem Jashari’s murder in 1998, Lushtaku was appointed commander of KLA headquarters in the village of Donje Prekaze and a member of KLA general staff for the operative zone of Drenica. He maintained close connections with Sami Lushtaku, Sahit and Musa Jashari, Fadhil Kodra, Jetulah and Sabit Gecaj and others. During his stay in the village of Likovac, he took part in the harassment and abuse of the Serb prisoners. In the period between 1998 and June 1999, he supervised terrorist activities on the territory of the aforementioned operative zone, carrying out the orders of Sami Lushtaku, Hashim Thaqi and Sylejman Selimi, aka “Sultan”, the then acting KLA commander for the Drenica region. After the establishment of KPC, Thaqi appointed him commander of the 114th brigade of the 1st RTG in Drenica. After Sami Lushtaku was removed from KPC, Thaqi maintained his influence over the said organization by appointing Nuredin Lushtaku commander of the guard, with the headquarters in Prizren. He is a member of the illegal terrorist group called the “Falcon’s Eye” and, together with a group of terrorists from the Drenica region, he took part in a large number of attacks against the members of the police and the YA forces on the territory of Bujanovac and Preševo. He occasionally stays on the territory of FYROM, providing assistance to the local terrorists. At the previous elections in K&M, following Sami Lushtaku’s and Thaqi’s orders, he intimidated Albanians in the Drenica region who opposed Thaqi’s policies.

86. SAMI (Malazim) LUSHTAKU
Born on February 20, 1961, in the village of Donje Prekaze, Municipality of Srbica. By a verdict of the District Court in Priština, he was sentenced, in absentia, to 20 years of imprisonment for his criminal acts of terrorism. Together with Adem and Hamza Hasari, Fadil and Nuredin Lushtaku, Sylejman and Rexhepi Selimi, Tahir Jashari and Jakup Nura, he is one of the founders of KLA in the Drenica region. He completed his military training in Albanian and, in 1997, took part in the abuse and the massacre of the Serb civilians who were kidnapped and held in a camp situated in the Likovac village, Municipality of Srbica. He was a perpetrator of a terrorist attack on a police station in the Rudnik village, Municipality of Srbica, in 1998, as well as on a police convoy in the village of Ludović, Municipality of Srbica. In that period, he was appointed Deputy Commander of the KLA General Staff for the Drenica zone of operations, with the headquarters in the village of Likovac, Municipality of Srbica, and for a certain period of time he carried out the duties of the commander of this operative zone. Later, Hashim Thaqi appointed him Commander of the 2nd operative zone in the Prizren region (Paštrik). At the same time, he was elected Deputy Head of the Kosovo’s Secret Service where, among other duties, he was in charge of engaging volunteer units from Drenica, which were sent to the region of the Bujanovac, Preševo and Medvedja municipalities, in order to carry out terrorist acts. Due to the increased terrorist activities the consequence of which is a destabilized security status in K&M and following the initiative of the representative of the US administration, on July 6, 2001, Lushtaku was fired from his position of the KPC Commander and is prohibited from carrying firearms. For violating this prohibition, he was taken into custody by KFOR for questioning. After that, he left the region of the Srbica Municipality, fearing the arrested for his criminal and terrorist activities during and after the armed conflict, and spent the larger part of 2002 in Albania, in the city of Kuks. His family is one of the most influential in the Drenica region and works closely with Hashim Thaqi, Rexhep and Sylejman Selimi and Xhavit Halliti, playing a significant role in the organized crime in K&M. He is on the American “black list” of organizations and individuals who, because of their terrorist activities, have restricted access to financial aid, i.e., who are not allowed to enter the US.

87. ENVER (Demo) MAVRIQI
Born on January 23rd, 1961, in the village of Firiceje, Municipality of Kosovska Kamenica. Until 1990 he worked as a policeman in the Serbian Ministry of Internal Affairs. On behalf of the KLA General Staff for the Kosovska Kamenica region, he led a group of 15 KLA members, whose task was to form checkpoints where passengers and vehicles were searched, and certain Serbs and Albanians were taken prisoner. In the KLA General Staff situated in the dormitory of the secondary school in Kosovska Kamenica, he personally took part in the physical abuse of a large number of Albanians who were suspected of collaborating with the state bodies of the Republic of Serbia. Beside that, on June 28, 1999, he ordered the Serbs from the village of Firiceje to abandon their homes, threatening them that otherwise they would be killed. In July 1999, he ordered the burning of all Serb houses in the said village. In the same period, he kidnapped, and subsequently murdered Živorad Stojanović, a policeman from the Firiceje village. Throughout 2000, he organized KLA police in Kosovska Kamenica and acted as its commander, using the premises of a usurped apartment whose owner was an ethnic Serb. He was also included in organizing the members of LAPMB on the territory of Kosovska Kamenica and their transport to the ground security zone. He was arrested by KFOR for illegal possession of arms and spent some time in the prison in the Bondsteel camp.

88. NAIM (Ramadan) MALOKU, alias “Besnik”
Born on February 17th, 1958, in the village of Labljane, Municipality of Peć. A former YNA officer. During his studies at the Military Academy in Zagreb, Maloku, together with Xhafer Jashari, Fadil Hakaj, Ramadan Gashi and a group of Albanian soldiers who were doing military service at the time in Zagreb, formed an illegal organization called the Movement for the Albanian Socialist Republic of Yugoslavia (PASRJ). Because of that, in 1985, together with a dozen or so officers, he was arrested and sentenced to 4.5 years in prison by the military court. He was pardoned in 1988, after which he moved to Ljubljana. He joined KLA in 1996 and, two years later, returned to K&M. He was appointed the Chief of the General Staff of the operative zone Dukadjin by Ramush Haradinaj, the then acting commander of the aforementioned zone. Beside training KLA members, he also organized weapons supply from Albania and, in March 1999, he headed a terrorist group in its attack on the members of the Serbian Ministry of Internal Affairs Serbia and the YA forces in the village of Vrelo, Municipality of Istok. Following the withdrawal of the Serbian security forces from K&M, Maloku took an active part in the forceful expulsion of the remaining Serbs. During 2000, he formed a new Albanian political party – the Liberal Center of Kosovo – which later joined Ramush Haradinaj’s Alliance for the Future of Kosovo, in which Maloku became Vice-President.

89. FATON (Bajram) MEHMETAJ
Born on January 24th, 1963, in the village of Požare, Municipality of Dečani. Due to the criminal act of espionage for the Albanian intelligence service, Mehmetaj was sentenced to 5 years in prison in 1986. He was a member of the KLA general staff in the operative zone of Dukadjin, where he carried out the duties of the security chief, maintaining direct contact with Ramush and Daut Haradinaj. He was the perpetrator in the assassinations of a number of Kosovo Serbs and Montenegrins, as well as the arrest and physical abuse of civilians in Metohija. Following the demilitarization of KLA, he was made a member of the general staff of the 3rd RTG of KPC and the chief of the intelligence department of G-2 in this zone. He supplied the members of the intelligence service of Albania with the data of security importance connected with to the activities and organization of the international security forces in K&M. In June 2002, together with a group of KPC members, he was arrested by UNMIK police for a series of murders and other crimes committed in 1999 against Albanian and non-Albanian citizens whose bodies were later found close to the Radonjić Lake, Municipality of Dečani. In July of the same year, he was released from prison, due to the lack of evidence. He organized the murder of Tahir Zemaj, a former FARK commander, who came into conflict with the clan of Ramush Haradinaj. The murder was committed on August 18, 2001. He is one of the organizers of the delivery of threatening messages addressed to the Albanians of the well-to-do families in K&M, from whom, in the name of “protection”, huge financial sums were extracted. He is also a member of the extremists terrorist organization known as “Black Eagles”, which is usually used for the protection of Ramush Haradinaj’s political and criminal interests, i.e., the organized crime group “Dukadjini”.

90. NAZIF (Haradin) MEHMETI, alias “Dini”
Born on September 20, 1961, in the village of Sajkovci, Municipality of Podujevo. Until September 1991, he was employed by Kosovo‘s Provincial Secretariat of Internal Affairs and, after leaving the service, he spent some time abroad. When he returned to K&M, he was appointed Deputy Commander of the special KLA units on the territory of the Lab operative zone and was later engaged in KPS, in the Police Station No. 3 in Priština. According to the anecdotal evidence, Mehmeti, in his position of a deputy commander of the special units within the KLA’s 5th operative zone, together with Latif Gashi and Naim Kadriu, participated in the murders of an operative of the State Security of the Serbian Ministry of Internal Affairs, Milan Jović, in Podujevo. The members of the so-called Lab group, which Mehmeti belonged to, took part in the attacks on the political opponents, primarily of the DSK members. They were also involved in the robbery, racketeering of the Albanian population in that region, as well as in the kidnapping of young Albanians. They kidnapped Osman Sinani, from the village of Murgule, Municipality of Podujevo, who was subsequently murdered, as well as Milovan Stanković, an employee of “Javor” in Podujevo, from the village of Bečić, Municipality of Merošine, Ratko Vičentijević, from the village of Donja Dumnica, Visar Voca, Sabri Berisha, Goran Zbiljić, Čedomir Blagojević and Živorad Biserčić. Nazif Mehmeti is also one of the perpetrators of the terrorist attack carried out in August 1996, in the village of Donje Ljupče, Municipality of Podujevo, in which an employee of the Center of the Serbian State Security of Priština, Ejup Bajgora, was murdered. In that attack, beside Mehmeti, the other perpetrators were Latif Gashi, Zahir Pajaziti, from the village of Tutučice, Naim Kadriu and Shaip Haziri, from the village of Kačikol, Municipality of Priština. Beside that, he was one of the top officers of an improvised jail in the village of Gornja Lapaštica, in which Serb and Albanian prisoners were held. In July 2003, by a verdict of the International Court, he was sentenced to 13 years in prison, for the war crimes committed on the territory of Priština and Podujevo.

91. FADIL (Sadik) MUJOTA, alias “Cubi”
Born on July 17th, 1969, in the village of Malopoljce, Municipality of Štimlje. Prior to 1998, Mujota, together with his father Sadik and his cousin Bajrush, were engaged in the illegal trade in weapons and ammunition. He was arrested in 1993, but he soon escaped abroad. He remained in Switzerland and Germany until 1998, when he returned to Malopoljce and joined KLA, taking over the command of the terrorist group in that village. This group was directly subordinated to the KLA General Staff located in the village of Jezerce, and organized and carried out terrorist attacks on the Štimlje-Uroševac and Štimlje-Crnoljevo routes, kidnapped and abused Albanians loyal to the Republic of Serbia (Naim Shabani, from the village of Vojnovci). Beside that, Mujota illegally crossed the border with Albania and took part in the acquisition and delivery of weapons for KLA’s use. Following the withdrawal of the Serbian Ministry of Internal Affairs and the YA forces from K&M, he continued his terrorist activities with the intention of ethnically cleansing the non-Albanian population from K&M. He purchased a number of Gypsy houses on the Štimlje-Lipljan route and, in mid-June 1999, following his orders, in the private house of Mujota’s cousin in Štimlje, an improvised jail was set up for Serbs and Gypsies. After the establishment of KPC, he was placed in the army barracks in Uroševac. However, after a certain period of time, he filed an application to be demobilized, since he was not satisfied with his rank and the treatment he received. Along with Xhabir Zharku, he heads a criminal group from the village of Malopoljci and is one of the organizers of the illegal acquisition and resale of narcotics in the region of Gnjilane. These narcotics arrive in K&M from Albania, via Tetovo (FYROM). He is involved in the trafficking in human beings where he collaborates with Jetulah Çari, aka “Guri”, from Suva Reka. Çari is the owner of a facility in the village of Rečane where a certain number of girls from Russia, Rumania and Bulgaria are kept. Mujota’s main connection with the trafficking in human beings is an Albanian called Balem, from Štimlje, from the Beqaj family.

92. SHEFQET (Esat) MUSLIU, nicknamed “Adzija”
Born on February 12th, 1963, in the village of Končulj, Municipality of Bujanovac. As a KLA member in K&M, in 1998, he was engaged in Special Units under the command of Ramush Haradinaj. During 1999, he took part in the abuse of the Serbs in Gnjilane, in the interception, illegal arrests, harassment and looting of the passengers on the Bujanovac-Gnjilane road, above the village of Dobrosin. At the beginning of 2000, he joined the then formed group for the assassination of Albanians who lived in the region of Gnjilane and who refused to cooperate with the terrorists. From December 1999, especially after armed conflicts in southern Serbia were intensified, with his cousin Junuz Musliu and other associates, he intercepted vehicles in the vicinity of the village of Dobrosin, harassed the passengers, illegally arrested and mistreated them, confiscated vehicles and goods and robbed them of their valuables, extorted money, allegedly for KLA’s use. After LAPMB was formed, he managed its headquarters in Dobrosin. With the intention of enlarging the influence of his organization, he ordered forced mobilization of able-bodied Albanians, their short-term training and participation in terrorist actions. He initiated the foundation of the local village headquarters in the region of Bujanovac and Preševo, which he later united and placed under his command. At that time, he personally took part or commanded a number of armed attacks on police positions in the villages of Dobrosin and Končulj. From October 1999 until March 2001, in the Bujanovac Municipality, he committed 49 of the most serious criminal acts. In KPC uniform, together with his associates, he stopped vehicles moving towards Gnjilane and collected “toll”, saying that every Albanian from Preševo and Bujanovac had to pay the requested sum. He took part in the terrorist attack on a police patrol in Končulj, on November 23, 1999, when two policemen were wounded, as well as in the action carried out on February 26, 2000, when, with a group of 11 armed LAPMB members, he attacked the policemen in the vicinity of the village of Končulj, at which time two members of the Serbian Ministry of Internal Affairs were killed. On June 8, 2000, together with Ramadan Zairi and Nasuf Musliji, he planted four anti-tank mines in the vicinity of the elementary school in Končulj, on the road towards Dobrosin, when 5 members of the Serbian Ministry of Internal Affairs were wounded. He organized, on June 22, 2000, the murder of the last remaining Serb residents of the village of Mali Trnovac and ordered that anti-tank mines be placed on the village road in Mali Trnovac, and when the explosion went off on November 10, 2000, a member of the police force, Ivica Božinović, was killed. In 2000, together with Lirim Jakupi and Vulnet Ibishi, he extorted 20,000 DM from Junuz Vasufi and seized his car, threatening to burn his house if he reported the incidents to the police. In this period, the same group took 2,000 DM by extortion from Naim Rexhepi, the owner of “Ideal Commerce”, and from the owner of “Jeton Trans”, in the village of Dobrosin, 5,000 DM. Towards the end of December 2000, in the company of Bulnet Ibisi, he stopped the “Madjar-Tours” bus in Končulj, from the direction of Gnjilane, and harassed the pass engers Reshat Ebibi from the village of Turije, Municipality of Bujanovac, and an older Albanian because, allegedly, they had assisted Serbs during the sale of their property to Albanians. On that occasion, he forcefully took the amount of 10,000 DM from the passengers. Musliu continued his criminal activities in 2001 when, with a group of associates, he seized Sabedin Ibraimi’s jeep. For the confiscated vehicle, the aforementioned individual received a certificate, along with a threat that he would be killed if he reported the incident to the police. Although, at the beginning of 2001 he had declared that he would accept the agreement on the demilitarization of LAPMB, as the commander of the General Sstaff of this organization, he ordered its members to hide the greater part of the weapons in the bunkers and warehouses, and on February 4 of the same year, he organized an attack on the position of the YA and police force in Lučani. At the beginning of March, he organized the kidnapping of four Serbs, who were held in Končulj, as well as the kidnapping and harassment of Radomir Stojiljković, from Trstenik. After LAPMB was disbanded, he moved to Gnjilane, but continued to command a group of terrorists who, following his orders, committed a number of terrorist acts in the region of southern Serbia. When ANA was formed in southern Serbia, he was elected its official and, together with Lirim Jakupi, he organized the activities of a diversionary terrorist group following the commands of ANA top officials. With the help of the members of his family in Germany, he initiated the establishment of the so-called humanitarian fund, “Fatherland Calls”, intended for the collection of funds from the Albanians abroad. He usurped the larger part of those means for his own personal needs. Until his arrest, he led an extremely comfortable existence and, in the last two years, in the Gnjilane Municipality, he bought a house and a few business premises. Although he possessed the means which he had “acquired” as LAPMB commander, Musliu, together with Mustafa Xhemajli, was also involved in the smuggling of arms brought in from Albania and sold on the territory of K&M, the FYRepublic of Macedonia and southern Serbia. He was put on the American “black list” of organizations and individuals who, because of their terrorist activities, have restricted access to financial aid, i.e., who are forbidden to enter the US. He was arrested on April 12, 2003, by KFOR and is currently in the military base Bondsteel in the vicinity of Uroševac.

93. ISAK (Smajl) MUSLIU, alias “Cerciz”
Born on October 31st, 1970, in the village of Račak, Municipality of Štimlje. After a stay abroad, he returned to K&M in May 1998 and joined the KLA members in the Municipality of Štimlje, where he was appointed deputy commander of KLA general staff in the village of Rance. He belonged to the 121st “Agim Qelaj” brigade within the operative zone of Paštrik. In the village of Rance, he organized the recruitment and military training of new KLA members, as well as the delivery of arms from Albania. Beside that, he personally interrogated and harassed the kidnapped individuals (among whom Albanian Hajriz Hajrizi, from the village of Belinac), and organized attacks on the members of the police and YA forces. Towards the end of September 1998, together with his unit, he abandoned his position in the Rance village and retreated into the Lapuštnik village, Municipality of Drenica, only to be sent, in November of the same year, to a special terrorist training center organized in Switzerland. After his return to K&M, he was appointed one of the deputy commanders of the KLA general staff of the Nerodimlje operative zone, in the village of Jezerce, Municipality of Uroševac. Following the adoption of the UN Security Council Resolution 1244, he continued his terrorist activities as a member of the KPC secret police in Uroševac, where he was one of the top officials. He was arrested in February 14, 2003, by the members of the international security forces, together with six like-minded individuals, and taken to the Bondsteel base, whence he was subsequently transferred to the Hague, since the indictment of the Hague tribunal has charged him with a number of crimes against humanity and the violation of the laws and customs of war committed in 1998.

94. RUSTEM (Musli) MUSTAFA, alias “Remi”
Born on February 27th, 1971, in the village of Prepolac, Municipality of Podujevo. He commenced terrorist activities in 1989, within the illegal group NMRK, and continued them in 1998, by joining the KLA general staff for the Lab region, the 5th operative zone, where he carried out the duties of the deputy commander and later of the commander of the said zone. Under his command, towards the end of 1998, terror was committed against the Serb population, the members of the Serbian Ministry of Internal Affairs and the YA forces, as well as against some members of the Albanian population who were murdered, kidnapped and taken to the prisons located in the villages of Bradaš and Gornja Lapaštica, while their property was looted and destroyed. Following the withdrawal of the members of the Serbian Ministry of Internal Affairs and the YA forces from K&M, he formed terrorist groups “Skifteri”, “BIA” and “Red Hand” whose members conducted ethnic cleansing, kidnapping and murder of the remaining Serbs in the region of Priština and Podujevo (the murder of Milan Milovanović, in the village of Dabovac, Municipality Kuršumlija, as well as the placing of anti-tank mines on the Kuršumlija-Prepolac road, in November 1999, when three members of the Serbian Ministry of Internal Affairs were murdered and five wounded). In September 1999, the KPC commander, Agim Çeku, promoted him to the rank of major-general and appointed him commander of the 5th RTG of Lab, and towards the end of 2000, commander of the 6th RTG. These appointments were intended to initiate organizational and technical preparations for further terrorist activities in the region of Preševo, Bujanovac and Medvedja, in view of the fact that, members of LAPMB had carried out terrorist acts under the direct command of Rustem Mustafa, in 2000. He abused his high position in KPC to accumulate financial means some of which were used to finance LAPMB, while he took the rest for himself. Together with Ismet Bekteshi, he is accused of embezzling seven million DM from the KSIK aid fund, which he used to finance his private business activities in Priština. He had close contacts with Rexhep Veseli and Ellami Bajrami, connected to the narcotics smuggling, and a member of the Fadil Gumnista mafia organization. Upon his and Fatmir Humoli’s command, the terrorist group “BIA” committed, an attack on the Niš-Ekspres bus, when 11 passengers of Serb nationality were killed on February 16, 2001, in the vicinity of the Livadice village, Municipality of Podujevo. From June 26, 2001, Mustafa is on the so-called black list of the US administration, as an individual who is directly responsible for the instability in K&M and the overall Balkan region, which is why he was replaced as the commander of the 6th RTG of KPC, and an investigation was launched against him following KFOR initiative. On the basis of the statements given by family members of the murdered Albanians (Agim Musliu, Alush Kastrati, Idriz Svarça, Drita Voce) and the eyewitnesses report on the murder of Enver Sekiraça, the UNMIK police arrested Rustem Mustafa on August 11, 2002. On July 16, 2003, he was sentenced by the International Judicial Council of the District Court in Priština to 17 years in prison, for the war crimes committed in the region of Priština and Podujevo.

95. SALIH (Jaha) MUSTAFA
Born on January 1st, 1972, in Priština. Due to his membership in the NMRK illegal organization, he was sentenced to five years imprisonment in 1993. As a KLA member, he acted within a special unit which committed murder and kidnapping and robbed the property in the Priština and Podujevo municipalities. After KPC was formed, and following orders from Rustem Mustafa and Fatmir Humoli, he formed an illegal terrorist group called “Skifteri”, with the goal to carry out assassinations, kidnapping and looting of ethnic Serbs and their property. Within “Skifteri”, he formed his own group, which was composed of Behar Berisha, Ruzhdi Halili, aka “Rudi”, Nazif Metoli, aka “Tabut”, Hilmi Veli, aka “Death”, Haki Abazi, Aslan Sinani, Gani Koci, Shefqet Murseli, Shaqir Beqiri, brothers Faik and Raif Arifi and others. Toward the end of June 1999, together with Agim Rexhepi (false name Agron Xhemaili), from the village of Karuševac, Municipality of Obilić, he organized the assassination of a certain Boško, a former department store employee in the same city. He was the organizer and perpetrator of the assassination of a number of ethnic Albanians from the region of Podujevo (among whom Ukshin Zeqiri and Milaim Gjakoli), and is connected with illegal arms trade and narcotics distribution.

96. ARIF (Pajazit) MUQOLI, alias “Prof”
Born on May 15th, 1952, in the village of Hrtica, Municipality of Podujevo. He was a member of the KLA operative zone Lab and, after the 151st brigade “Zahir Pajaziti” was formed, he was appointed its commander, with the headquarters in the village of Bradaš. After the demobilization of KLA, he was appointed one of the top officials in the KPC general staff. He was involved in the murder of Mirko Sarić, from the village of Tačevac, Municipality of Kuršumlija, committed on July 20, 1999, in the village of Metohija, as well as in the systematic ethnic cleansing of the Serb population on the territory of the Podujevo and Priština municipalities.
97. MALIQ NDRECAJ, alias “Commander Maliqi”
Born in the village of Mačiteva, Municipality of Suva Reka. After KLA operative zone Dukadjin was formed, Ramush Haradinaj appointed Ndrecaj commander of the 132nd KLA brigade, named “Murat Zeneli”, with the headquarters in the village of Jablanica. This brigade was in charge of the jail in which the kidnapped Serbs were tortured and murdered. Following the arrival of KFOR and UNMIK in K&M, he commanded a special unit called “Evil River” whose members carried out a large number of criminal acts against the non-Albanian population in the region of Djakovica. After ANA headquarters were formed in the Debalde village, Municipality of Vitina, in 2002, Ndrecaj was appointed commander, entrusted with the training of ANA members. Following the instructions of Ramush Haradinaj, Ndrecaj took part in the armed conflicts in Kumanovo (FYROM), where he led the terrorist group within NLA, using the alias of “Commander Mala”. He was also active in the illega transport of arms and other military equipment from Albania for the needs of the terrorists in the regions of Preševo, Bujanovac, Medvedja and in FYROM. In that context, with his group, composed of Shaban Tahiri, from the village of Berjah, Selman Sadiku, from the village of Nivokaz, Municipality of Djakovica, Binak Mazreku, from the village of Voks, and Hajdar Habibi,
from the village of Junik, Municipality of Dečani, Ndrecaj took weapons from a warehouse situated in the Dečani region and stored them in the immediate vicinity of the administrative border with southern Serbia, as well as the state border with FYROM. Due to these activities, he was arrested by KFOR in March of 2003, but was soon released.

98. SELAMI (Ilmi) NEZIRI, alias “Agron”
Born on July 5th, 1972, in the village of Donja Slatina, Municipality of Vitina. Due to his activities within PMKL, criminal charges were filed against him in August 1993, and he was tried and sentenced to 14 months imprisonment. Having completed his training in Albania, at the beginning of 1998, with a group of 10 KLA members, he illegally crossed into the territory of K&M where, together with Ahmet Isufi, Shemsi Syla and Lulzim Leci, from the village of Gmince, Municipality of Kosovska Kamenica, he participated in the establishment of KLA headquarters for the operative zone of Karadak, as well as in mobilizing and training new KLA members, and in the delivery of weapons and military equipment. In the summer of 1999, he was appointed commander of the 173rd KLA brigade, and later commander of a KPC unit in Vitina. At the same time, he carried out duties of vice-president of the Municipal Assembly of Vitina until October 2000, and was also the leader of the terrorist group “Black Eagles”, whose members took part in assassination, harassment and expulsion of Serbs from that Municipality. In March 2001, during the armed conflicts in FYR Macedonia, Neziri headed a group of around 300 terrorists from the territory of the Vitina Municipality, which took part in the battles against Macedonian security forces in the region of the Tanuševci village. Shortly after the aforementioned activities, he was removed from KPC. In mid-2002, he was engaged in the delivery of weapons to FYROM. A part of the weapons was stored in the border villages of Debelde and Mjak, in Vitina Municipality. In the same year, he was appointed director of the Insurance Department in the municipal assembly of Vitina. He still holds the same position and is very active in organizing the purchase of Serb property in that Municipality.

99. JAKUP (Smajl) NURA
Born on February 13th, 1966, in the village of Prelovac, Municipality of Srbica. At the beginning of 1997, by the verdict of the District Court in Priština, he was sentenced to 20 years in prison for his criminal acts of terrorism. After a short stay with the terrorist group of Adem Jashari in 1991, he was sent to Albania for military training. After his return to K&M, he took part in a number of terrorist acts against the members of the police, including the attack on the police members on the railroad crossing in Glogovac, when four policemen were killed, and the attack in the village of Likosane, Municipality of Glogovac, as well as in a number of kidnappings and assassinations of the Serb civilians. In the period between February 1998 and June 1999, he was the KLA commander for the village of Prelovac, Municipality of Srbica, and a member of the KLA general staff for the region of Drenica, and is now a member of the special unit within KPC for the Drenica region. He is closely connected with the currently most active terrorist groups in K&M, southern Serbia and FYROM. In mid-2001, with a group of terrorists, he stayed the administrative border towards Bujanovac, Preševo and Medvedja, where he took part in the terrorist acts against the members of the police and YA forces.

100. ENVER (Osman) ORUÇI
Born on December 6th, 1962, in the village of Rezalo, Municipality of Srbica. He graduated from the Military Academy in Belgrade and used to be the commander of the Federal Secretariat of Internal Affairs in Vučitrn. From 1998, he was active as a KLA member, in the region of the Čičavica mountain, where a large number of crimes were committed against the members of the ethnic Serb population. Under the direct leadership of Oruçi and Mensur Kasumi, the abduction of the Serbs from the village of Nevoljane, Municipality of Vučitrn, was organized. Members of the KLA 124th brigade, commanded by Enver Oruçi, kidnapped five Serb senior citizens from the village of Nevoljane and drove them, via Čičavica and Prekaze, into an improvised jail set up in the village of Likovac. In this jail, Serb and Albanian prisoners were mistreated and murdered, among whom was the policeman Ivan Bulatović. Sabit Geca and Sylejman Selimi, aka “Sultan”, especially excelled in the massacre and assassinations.

101. GJUMSHIT (Ahmet) OSMANI
Born on May 2nd, 1951, in the village of Zitinje, Municipality of Vitina. Within KLA, he was engaged in the collection of intelligence data. After KLA was disbanded, he was appointed head of the KPC secret police in Gnjilane, usually carrying out orders given by Ahmet Isufi and Shemsi Syla, the commander and the deputy commander of the operative zone of Karadak. Together with Nazmi Bekteshi, from Gnjilane, a former member of the Serbian Ministry of Internal Affairs, and now a member of the secret police, he abused the remaining members of the Serb population in the region of Gnjilane Municipality, with the goal of their forced expulsion. Also, following the orders of Isufi and Syla, he organized the murder of prominent Serbs in Gnjilane, so that in the city itself more than a hundred people were killed and 90% of the ethnic Serbs were exiled. He usually engaged individuals from the criminal environment for the most serious criminal acts (murder, rape, arson, physical abuse). These activities were especially directed at the former members of the Serbian Ministry of Internal Affairs who had remained in K&M. In order to demonstrate his loyalty to KLA, the former operative of the Security Service of the Serbian Ministry of Internal Affairs, Fatmir Drmaku, from Gnjilane, had to, following orders given by Osmani, take part in the murder of DSK members.

102. NEBIH (Qerkim) PRENIQI
Born on August 26th, 1975, in the village of Ade, Municipality of Obilić. As a member of the KLA secret police, under the direct command of Abedin Sogojeva and Sabit Lladrovci, he took part in the murder of the Rapajić family from Obilić, on November 28, 2000.

103. RAHMAN (Sadri) RAMA
Born on November 23rd, 1970, in the village of Okraštica, Municipality of Vučitrn. He performed the duties of the commander of KLA 4th operative zone encompassing the region of the municipalities of Kosovska Mitrovica, Vučitrn, Leposavić, Zvečan, Zubin Potok and a few villages from the Obilić Municipality. As a member of Adem Jashari’s terrorist group, he was directly involved in the supervision of the actions in the Drenica region in 1993, only to be moved on later to the Vučitrn region, where he was engaged in the organization of the terrorist groups in almost all the villages of this region. In June 1998, he organized and supervised terrorist attacks against the Serb families in the village of Pantina, Municipality of Vučitrn. On the occasion, he kidnapped the Miljković couple (Ratomir and Čedomirka), whose destiny remains unknown. After the expulsion of the ethnic Serbs from the aforementioned village, he ordered total destruction of all Serb houses and other buildings. In June 1998, he headed a group of 1,000 KLA members who managed to transport a large amount of weapons and military equipment from Albania to K&M. As the commander of the aforementioned zone, Rama embezzled the financial means collected abroad for the acquisition of weapons and other equipment for KLA needs. After the withdrawal of the Serbian security forces from the territory of K&M, he forcefully took over a number of business premises and apartments whose owners were members of the non-Albanian ethnic communities, mostly Serbs. After the establishment of KPC, Rama was appointed commander of the 4th RTG, with the headquarters in Kosovska Mitrovica. In November 2001, he found himself with the rank of major-general in the position of the commander of the 5th RTG of KPC in Priština, from which he was removed at the end of June 2003. Rama has huge financial means at his disposal, which he used to buy a house in Priština, the value of which is estimated at approximately 250,000 euros, and he built four large houses in the village of Okraštica, where his parents and brothers live and constructed the most contemporary farm for raising cattle and poultry, the value of which is estimated at over 200,000 euros. He owns a number of luxury cars and jeeps. He is closely connected with Agim Shahini from Vučitrn, the owner of the “Bes-Arti” trade company from that city and the president of the Association of Trade Companies in K&M.

104. ILLMI (Selman) RAMUSHOLI, alias “Granite”
Born on May 10th, 1964, in the village of Manastirci, Municipality of Uroševac. A former member of the Serbian Ministry of Internal Affairs in Priština. In 1998, he joined the KLA general staff for the UroševacMunicipality, located in the Jezerce village. Soon after that, he was appointed commander of the 161st brigade of the Nerodimlje operative zone. After the members of the Serbian Ministry of Internal Affairs and the YA forces were withdrawn from K&M, he organized and, on a number of occasions, took part in the kidnapping civilians of Serb nationality form the village of Gornje and Donje Nerodimlje, Municipality of Uroševac (Dimko Parli, Miloš and Milorad Djordjević). He interrogated the kidnapped individuals and physically abused them, after which they were never found. Beside this, he organized the expulsion of the Serb population from the aforementioned villages and the destruction of their property. After KPC was formed, in September 1999, he was appointed operations officer of the Istok zone, and is now engaged as an officer in the army barracks of “Jezeračka Epopeja” in Uroševac, as the Chief of Staff. At the same time, he is a member of the illegal secret police and a member
of the ANA general staff for the region of the Uroševac, Kačanik, Štrpce and Štimlje municipalities. He is closely connected with Ismet Sadiku, from the village of Balić, Municipality of Uroševac, a member of the secret police in Uroševac, with Elmi Reqica, from Uroševac, the Deputy Chief of the secret police and the coordinator of the secret police and ANA activities in Uroševac, and with Imri Ilazi, from the village of Kamena Glava, Municipality of Uroševac, the commander of the 6th RTG of KPC.

105. ELMI (Rexhep) REQICA, alias “Petrit”
Born on October 6th, 1961, in Uroševac. Because of his separatist and terrorist activities, he was arrested and sentenced to 11 years in prison in 1985. After serving his sentence, he was active in the illegal NPK organization. Together with Xhabir Morina, Enver Topalli and Sullejman Bitiqi, he was an organizer of the terrorist acts which were carried out in the region of Uroševac in 1997 and at the beginning of 1998 (the attack on the police checkpoint in the village of Grlica, Municipality of Uroševac, and the attack on two apartment buildings where members of the Serbian Ministry of Internal Affairs lived). Beside his role as organizer, he personally took part in the attack on a residential building in which an employee of the State Security Service lived, by throwing an explosive device manufactured by Sullejman Bitiqi. In June 1998, he initiated the formation of KLA general staff for Uroševac, in which he was appointed liaison officer with the general staff in Drenica. Beside that, he was in charge of weapons acquisition and collection of financial means, as well of finding bases where those weapons may be stored. Following the arrest of a member of these headquarters, he escaped to Drenica, and then to the village of Jezerce, Municipality of Uroševac, where KLA headquarters were located. As one of the top officials of the KLA general staff of the Nerodimlje operative zone, in 1999, he established the so-called intelligence group, which was connected with the Albanian intelligence service, SIK. This group was later transformed into the so-called secret police, entrusted with kidnapping and murder of members of the Serbian Ministry of Internal Affairs. Following the withdrawal of the Serbian Security Forces from K&M, Reqica was appointed chief of the intelligence division of G-2 within KPC by Agim Çeku, with the headquarters in Priština. Besides his tasks in KPC, he was also appointed by Kadri Veseli, aka “Luli”, chief of the secret police of Kosovo, deputy commander of the aforementioned organization where he has remained until today. In addition to his engagement in the establishment of the departments of the secret police of Kosovo in all larger centers throughout K&M, and in the coordination of the operations of this service in Uroševac, Reqica, together with his associates, organized kidnappings and assassinations of Albanians who, according to their assessment, were connected with the members of the Serbian Ministry of Internal Affairs. Elmi’s brother, Bashkim Reqica (together with Nijazi Lohaj, Nexhat Krasniqi, Fatmir Azemi, Nexhat Azemi and Qamil Shabani, aka “Four Eyes”) was actively involved in the smuggling of narcotics from Turkey to western Europe, via Bulgaria, the Czech Republic and Slovakia. The said persons represent one of the most powerful criminal groups on the territory of Uroševac who are involved in the transport of narcotics to western European countries. A part of the financial means acquired through this activity, Reqica uses for the purchase and delivery of modern weapons for the needs of ANA members engaged in the conflicts on the territory of FYROM and southern Serbia. Beside this, he is engaged in establishing ANA headquarters in the Municipalities of Uroševac, Štimlje, Štrpci and Kačanik. Some time ago, in the village of Kamena Glava, UNMIK carried out a search and discovered around 20 kilograms of heroin, owned by Reqica and his criminal group. In a similar action, the Macedonian police, also this year, discovered and seized around 10 kilograms of heroin from the members of this same group.

106. EKREM (Raim) REXHA, nicknamed “Drini”
Born on December 6th, 1961, in the village of Ljubižda, Municipality of Prizren. A former YNA officer. He was the commander of the KLA 125th brigade general staff for the operative zone Paštrik and a member of the KLA general staff, as well as one of the top officials of Shefqet Haxhija’s secret police, known as “Landowners”. He is responsible for numerous crimes committed on this territory: over 26 murders, 77 kidnappings, organization of six jails located on the territory of Orahovac and Prizren, group rape and torture of women, of which some were held captive in the prison in Orahovac. Also, he is responsible for the execution of over twenty terrorist attacks, among which is the attack on the village of Bratotin, Opteruša, Retimlje and Zoćiste, committed in July and in November 1998. When in the middle 1999, during the armed conflict, the local population took refuge from their homes on the territory of Prizren, Ekrem Rexha ordered all public facilities and non-Albanian houses burned and looted. On that occasion, he also issued the command for the murder of a few ethnic Albanians because of their loyalty to the Republic of Serbia. He was killed on May 8, 2000, by the members of the “Black Hand” terrorist group, due to his conflict with Hashim Thaqi.

107. BEDRI (Shaban) REXHAJ, alias “Galjan”
Born on April 3rd, 1962, in the village of Petrovo, Municipality of Štimlje. Immediately after KLA was established, he was appointed chief of the secret police in the village of Lanište, Municipality of Štimlje, and then also a member of the KLA general staff in the village of Jezerce, under the command of Shukri Buja. At one time, following his superior’s orders, he was active in the Drenica region. He was a participant in the armed attacks on the village of Nerodimlje in 1998 and 1999, and on the village of Grebno in April 1999, when the local population from the territory of Uroševac was driven into exile. After the armed conflict on the territory of K&M was concluded as the chief of police of the general staff, later of KPC, in Štimlje, together with the commander Isak Musliu, aka “Cherciz”, he organized the expulsion of the non-Albanian population from that region (in a very short period of time he expelled 95% of the population, and their property was burned or looted). The aforementioned group opened, for Serbs and Gypsies, jails in the villages of Petrovo, Mužičane and Račak. Bedri personally arrested and physically mistreated Vitomir Nikšić, because he had requested KFOR and UNMIK protection. Towards the end of 1999, the Nikšić family, under pressure, left K&M. Bedri, beside Bajrush Rexhaj, Agim Ismaili, Muhamet Miftari and Heset Bleta, is a member of the secret police (SIK) in Štimlje, headed by Fahrudin Gashi. Each of the aforementioned individuals has his own formed group engaged in criminal activities (burglary and theft, fraud, racketeering, serious threats and the like).

108. ISMET (Adem) SADIKU
Born on April 23rd, 1941, in the village of Balić, Municipality of Uroševac. A former reserve army officer, with the rank of major. As the chief of the KLA general staff for the Municipality of Uroševac, after his members were arrested, he managed to escape and join the KLA general staff in Drenica, to be later appointed commander of the KLA general staff in the village of Jezerce, Municipality of Uroševac. In the second half of 1999, he established the local general staff of KLA in the village of Balić, Municipality of Uroševac, and organized ethnic cleansing of the Serbian population from the villages of Gornje and Donje Nerodimlje, and after their expulsion, he ordered their houses burned and demolished. Sadiku personally interrogated ethnic Serbs who were brought in for questioning to the KLA headquarters and abused and physically maltreated them. Eight of them were eventually murdered. Beside that, he took part in the interrogation of Albanians brought into the KLA headquarters, situated in the YA building in Uroševac, who were suspected of having been collaborators of the Serbian Ministry of Internal Affairs. As a member of the special group for conducting diversionary activities, at the beginning of 2000, he activated an explosive device in front of the Catholic church in Uroševac. For that, he was arrested by KFOR and spent a month in custody.

109. RUZHDI (Ajdin) SARAMATI
Born on July 19th, 1950, in the village of Dobruša, Municipality of Prizren. Due to his activities within the illegal organization NMRK, he was sentenced to 7 years in prison in 1980. Having served his sentence, he continued his terrorist activities, and inflicted a fire-arm wound on a member of the Serbian Ministry of Internal Affairs in 1992 in Prizren, after which he fled to Albania. Following SIK instructions, he became one of the organizers and instructors of KLA members on the territory of Albania, together with officers of the Albanian army, and was also engaged in illegal transport of weapons and military equipment from Albania to K&M for KLA use. Following the withdrawal of the members of the Serbian Ministry of Internal Affairs and the YA forces, he returned to Prizren, where he organized the expulsion of Serbs and other non-Albanian population, as well as the destruction and looting of their property, in which, beside him, Ismet Badallaj, Baki Elezkurtaj and Hismen Kurtaj participated. Saramati also formed “triads” which committed a series of assassinations. Until KPC was established, he was the commander of the KLA 128th brigade, with the headquarters in the village of Žur, as well as the commander of the camp in the Našec village, in the premises of the youth resting home, and was later appointed commander of a division of the KPC 324th brigade, with the headquarters in Lapuški Han. He established a number of terrorist groups on the territory of Opolj, which act directly under his command. Their primary task is theft, physical abuse and assassination of the members of the non-Albanian population in that region. With Hashim Thaqi’s approval, he occupied a part of the border towards Albania, for the purpose of an unhindered transport of weapons and other military equipment which was subsequently transferred to the Drenica region and thence to Macedonia and southern Serbia. Beside that, he was also engaged in the mobilization of former KLA members who were to join NLA in FYROM. Because of his abuse of the Albanians in Prizren, KFOR arrested him towards the end of 2001, but he was soon released due to the lack of evidence. After a few days, he was arrested again and sentenced to 5 years in prison at the beginning of 2002, and is now serving his sentence in the Bondsteel base, and the attorneys engaged in his defense, Hazer Susuri and Bajram Hiseni, tried to question the indictment, stating that this case was rigged in Belgrade. On a number of occasions, he was visited in prison by Besnik Cengu, the head of the Kuksa district (in Albania) and Spiro Butka, an officer of the Albanian army and a ANA member now living in Uroševac. In addition to all this, there were disciplinary proceedings held against Saramati and Petrit Bojaxhiju in 2002, due to their embezzlement of a large amount of financial means, collected from the citizens for the construction of KPC army barracks in Lapuški Han.

110. REXHEP (Destan) SELIMI
Born on March 15th, 1971, in the village of Ovčarevo, Municipality of Srbica. He was sentenced, in absentia, to 20 years in prison, for the criminal acts of terrorism. From 1991, he was in the KLA terrorist group of Adem Jashari, as one of his most loyal fellow fighters. After his stay in Albania, attending diversionary terrorist training, he illegally crossed the border with K&M and joined the terrorist groups on the territory of the Srbica Municipality, conducting training and arming KLA members. Later, he became commander of the special units in the Drenica operative zone. He was a direct participant in the terrorist acts against the members of the Serbian Ministry of Internal Affairs in May 1993, on the railroad crossing close to Glogovac, in which four policemen were killed and three were seriously wounded, as well as in the attacks against the police convoy in the village of Lauša, the hamlet of Ludović, Municipality of Srbica, on November 26 and 27, 1997. In the interim self proclaimed Government of Kosovo, Hashim Thaqi appointed him minister of internal affairs. At that time, Selimi established an organization called “Large Eagles”, which encompassed a few dozen former KLA members. Within the “Large Eagles”, a group called “Black Eagles” was also active and their task was assassination of non-Albanian civilian population, of political opponents and members of the rival criminal groups. In that sense, and under Thaqi’s control, a number of thefts were carried out, arson, assassinations and injuries of the Serbian and other non-Albanian population. Selimi was the direct organizer of the majority of the kidnappings and assassinations of Serbian civilians. He was also organizer of illegal transport of terrorist groups from the Drenica region to the territory of the FYRepublic of Macedonia, where they joined NLA, and he was also included in the transfer of terrorists from Drenica to the region of the Bujanovac, Preševo and Medvedja Municipalities, to carry out attacks against the police and army forces. In 2000, international KFOR forces in K&M launched an investigation of five high KPC officials, among them Selimi, because of the murder and genocide committed on the territory of K&M in the course of 1998 and 1999. Rexhep Selimi plays a very important role in the criminal activities of K&M, where he is included in arms, narcotics and human trafficking. Together with Sylejman Selimi, his first cousin, he organized a network for the sale of narcotics, weapons and military equipment. The network is also used for the activities of the terrorist organizations on the territory of FYROM. In these operations, he closely collaborates with Thaqi’s “Drenica group”, Xhavit Haliti, Ismet Osmani, Sabit Gecaj and Zan Qaushi, the leader of one of the mafia groups from Albania, who often travels and stays on the territory of Klina, Prizren and Priština. A part of the profit acquired through criminal activities is used by Selimi to arm and equip the Kosovo secret service, SIK, headed by Kadri Veseli, from the village of Brabonić, Municipality of Kosovska Mitrovica. Selimi, together with Fatmir Limaj, is the founder of illegal criminal terrorist group known as “Falcon’s Eye” which, apart from arms and drugs trafficking, racketeering and prostitution, is engaged in following and assassinating of political opponents, rivals and prominent Serbs, and in criminal activities in general. The organization receives aid from Switzerland, Germany, France, Australia and Albania. Currently, its operations base is located in the Teranda Hotel in Prizren, where SIS members can often be seen. It is believed that this organization is the paramilitary part of the Albanian Nationalist Party “Bali Kombetar”. He is on the American “black list” of organizations and individuals who have restricted access to financial aid, i.e., who are forbidden to enter the US. Currently, he is the head of KPC Academy.

111. SYLEJMAN (Saban) SELIMI, alias “Sultan”
Born on September 25th, 1970, in the village of Ovčarevo, Municipality of Srbica. In the period between February 1998 and June 1999, he was the commander of the KLA general staff for Drenica, and is currently the deputy commander of KPC, with the rank of major-general. He was a direct participant in the terrorist acts carried out against the court officers and the members of the police in the village of Voćnjak on November 25 and 26, 1997, as well as against the police convoy in village of Lauša, the hamlet of Ludović, Municipality of Srbica. Towards the end of 1997, he took part in the assassination of Sadik Bajrami from the village of Donji Obilić, Municipality of Srbica. In 1999, Hashim Thaqi’s interim Government appointed him commander of the so-called National Guard of Kosovo. Beside his activities in K&M, Selimi played an important role in the organization and the transfer of terrorist groups from the Drenica region to FYROM. Also, his role in the organization of criminal activities is considerable. He is connected with Kadri Veseli, Xhavit Haliti and Rexhep Selimi, as well as with certain criminal groups from Albania, among whom are Ismet Osmani, aka “Curi”, one of the leading narcotics dealer in west European countries, and Zan Qaushi, leader of the Albanian criminal organization which deals with illegal arms trade from Albania into the region of FYROM, Montenegro and K&M.

112. ABEDIN (Abdurahman) SOGOJEVA
Born on February 26th, 1958, in the village of Donji Grabovac, Municipality of Kosovo Polje. He performed duties of the KLA commander for the Grabovac region, and is now a KPC member, within the 1st RTG. He participated in the terrorist attack in which two members of the Serbian Ministry of Internal Affairs were killed in the village of Hamidij, Municipality of Obilić, and in the village of Pantina, Municipality of Vučitrn, as well as in the attack on the Belaćevac mine. He organized and took part in the kidnapping of the Serbs, the employees of the Belaćevac mine, on June 22, 1998, i.e., of Dragan Vukmirović, Zoran, Dušan and Petar Adžandžic, Filip Gojković, Marko Buha, Miroslav Trifunović, Srboljub Savić, Božidar Alimpić, and Žarko Spasić, who were kidnapped on May 14, 1998. He is responsible for the kidnapping and murder of Zvonko Bojanić, the Vice-President of the Municipal Assembly of Kosovo Polje. In the region of the Obilić Municipality, he and Sabit Lladrovci established a terrorist group consisting of the former members of the KLA secret police, – Kadrija Sullejmani, aka “Mouse”, Nebih Preniqi and Bekim Berbatovci, all being the members of the KLA secret service, than Muhamet Çerkezi aka “Çerkez”, Ahmet Çerkezi and Mirsad Kurteshi, and 14 mujahedins and four German citizens, who conducted the weapons handling training. This terrorist group, following Sogojeva’s orders, committed a series of actions, among which the planting of explosives in the Kastelo restaurant in Obilić, where local Serbs congregate. He is connected with the murder of the Rapajić family, from Obilić, committed on November 28, 2000, followed by the murder of Miladija Stanojević, as well as with the harassment of ethnic Serbs, members of KPS (Tanja Mihajlović from Priština), destruction and looting of the Serb property in the region, as well as with their physical abuse (Stojka Stojanović, Tomica Antić, Novica Ilić, Milenko Mihajlović and others).

113. FATMIR (Halim) SOPI
Born on April 13th, 1961, in the village of Mramor, Municipality of Priština. He was sentenced to four years in prison in 1984, for the criminal act of association for the purpose of committing hostile activities. Following the withdrawal of the Serb Security Forces from K&M, as Deputy Commander of the 153rd brigade in the Zlaš village, Municipality of Priština, he confiscated 700 automatic rifles from the warehouse in the village of Lukare and sold them to Ramiz Asllani (for 300 DM a piece), after which Asllani resold them to ANA members in Macedonia (for 700 DM a piece). Towards the end of August 1999, he took part in kidnapping Milorad Popović, from Gračanica, Slavica Stević, from Badovac, and Predrag Mikić, aka “Prota”, from Sušice, on the location of the village of Zebince, Municipality of Novo Brdo. Together with Fatmir Sopi and Adem Shehu, he is the main suspect for the murder of Dragan Perić, Siniša Marković and a certain Jovanović, in the Gračanica region.

114. AZEM (Riza) SYLA, alias “Tefik” and “Big Uncle”
Born on May 4th, 1951, in the village of Kišna Reka, Municipality of Glogovac. Former Defense Minister in Hashim Thaqi’s Government, he spent a number of years in Switzerland and is currently a resident of Albania. He was one of the most influential members in the Kosovo Albanian delegation that took part in the talks held in Rambouillet. He belongs to the group of KLA ideological founders, and took part in the establishment of SIK. Together with Gjeladin Gashi and Hashim Thaqi, he organized a terrorist attack on the members of the Serbian Ministry of Internal Affairs on the railroad crossing in Glogovac, in May 1993. Beside that, he organized a terrorist attack on the police stations in Podujevo and Štimlje, the assassination of a group of Serbs in Klina and some 80 ethnic Serbs and Albanians in Mališevo, in 1998. During the armed conflict in K&M, he ordered the assassination of around 800 Albanians who refused to become members of DPK, as well as the assassination of certain influential activists of Ibrahim Rugova’s DSK party. His recent activities are connected with the terrorist organization ANA in K&M, within which he plays one of the most important roles. He is responsible for the bomb attack on UNMIK police premises in Peć carried out by SIK members at the beginning of 2003. After the dispute with Hashim Thaqi and Xhavit Haliti, Syla left the K&M territory and moved to Albania, from where he plans and organizes diversionary terrorist activities to be carried out by SIK members in Kosmet. For the purpose of coordinating their activities, he often illegally crosses the border and stays in the territory of Peć, Prizren and Djakovica. He also coordinates the organized crime network on the territory of K&M and FYROM, in connection with the illegal import of weapons, ammunition and other equipment, as well as with the procurement of the means necessary for the conduct of terrorist activities. He procures weapons and equipment for diversionary terrorist activities in Albania, Germany and Switzerland, and distributes them, via Albanian territory, to K&M.

115. SHEMSI (Nebija) SYLA, alias “Saca”
Born on July 1st, 1957, in the village of Bresaljce, Municipality of Gnjilane. As a deputy commander of the KLA Karadak zone (within the Lab zone, the 153rd brigade), in the Zlaš village, Municipality of Priština, he was engaged in mobilizing individuals on the territory of the Gnjilane and Vitina municipalities, which is why, at the beginning of 1999, he formed the KLA auxiliary general staff in the village of Žegrovačka Vrbica, Municipality of Gnjilane, in order to transfer terrorist activities and the promotion of KLA to other regions where, until that moment, there were no armed conflicts. Certain KLA members accused him of stealing the money (in the amount of 140,000 DM), which was set aside to finance the activities of the said general staff. He personally organized and issued orders for the assassination of Serbs, but also of Albanians who they believed had cooperated with the members of the Serbian Ministry of Internal Affairs and the YA forces. Upon his orders, and in agreement with Florim Kllokoqi, now KPC member in the Novo Brdo Municipality, a group of Albanian terrorists kidnapped the members of the Bunjaku family (father Bislim and son Agim), from the Bunjaci district, Municipality of Novo Brdo, and took them in the direction of the Marevci village. The said persons are now listed as missing. Upon his orders, a series of murders were committed in the villages of Poneš, Paralovo, Straža and Cernica, in the Gnjilane Municipality, as well as in Gnjilane itself. During 2000, he stayed, Together with Avdul Hasani, from the village of Cernica, and Isa Agushi, from the village of Žegra, in the region of the Preševo and Bujanovac municipalities and was an instructor of LAPMB members, assisting in providing fighters, weapons, material and financial means.

116. FADIL (Hajdar) SULJEVIĆ
Born on October 19th, 1965, in the village of Ravna Banja, Municipality of Medvedja. A former employee of the Priština Secretariat of Internal Affairs, now KPS member in the police station in Priština. In 1998, he left the police force and joined the KLA, forming a unit on the territory of Golak (region between Priština and Medvedja), with the intention of carrying out terrorist acts. The aforementioned group whose members, among others, were Hamdi Hiseni, Islam Mshica, Mehmet Alija and Baki Gashi, planned a series of assassinations and diversionary terrorist actions in the Priština region. In July 1998 Suljević, together with his group, carried out an attack in Priština on a military bus transporting employees to the Slatina airport, at which time Slavica Aleksić and Dejan Gavrilović were seriously wounded as well as YA members, Branislav Kubatović and Zoran Mirković. Following the withdrawal of the members of the Serbian Ministry of Internal Affairs and the YA forces from K&M, he took part in the expulsion of the Serbian population in Priština, in theft, harassment and squatting. He organized a robbery of the gas station in Priština, during which an ethnic Serb employee was killed. Also, he is also connected with the murder of over 15 Serbs in the Zlatare village, Municipality of Uroševac, Kemal Shabani, a State Security employee in Priština, and Ramiz Mehmeti, from the village of Ajkobil, Municipality Priština, as well as with the kidnapping of Osman Sainović, from Medvedja, Valon Mehmeti and Fitim Vrajolli. He organized and ran a camp for Serb prisoners which was located in the Zlatare hamlet, in the vicinity of the Matičane village, close to Priština. Beside his activities in K&M, Suljević joined LAPMB within which he carried out a series of terrorist acts in the region of the Medvedja Municipality. He heads one of the criminal groups involved in drug pushing, the sale of stolen cars and excise goods in Priština, as well as in racketeering and mediation in the purchase and sale of real estate between Albanians and Serbs, with a
high commission rate.

117. EMRUSH (Nesim) SUMA, alias “Hoxha”
Born on May 27th, 1974, in the village of Dimce, Municipality of Kačanik. During NATO aggression on FRY, as a member of the 162nd brigade in the operative zone of Nerodimlje, he took an active part in terrorist acts in the Kačanik region. As a member of the secret police of Kosovo, together with Rushit and Zeqif Bardhi and Mehmet Ballazhi, he took part in the forced expulsion and murder of the non-Albanian population, and of the local Albanians who refused to join KLA, after the withdrawal of the Serbian Security forces from K&M. During 1999, the members of the aforementioned group killed Emin Drenjani and carried out a terrorist act in which Ziber Curi, an Albanian from Djeneral Janković, Municipality of Kačanik, was killed. After Curi’s murder, KFOR arrested Suma, Mehmet Ballazhi and another terrorist, but they were released after a few days under pressure by Albanian-organized demonstrations. During the conflict of Albanian terrorists with the Security Forces of the FYRepublic of Macedonia, Suma was engaged in collecting and sending weapons and military equipment, as well as in recruiting and transferring able-bodied Albanians to the region of the aforementioned country. After the Ohrid agreement was signed in 2001, he moved to FYROM and joined the General Staff of the newly formed terrorist organization, ANA, and at the beginning of 2002, following an initiative of the top leadership, he was appointed Deputy Chief of the bodyguards of Ali Ahmeti, the president of the Democratic Union for Integration (DUI), an Albanian political party in FYROM. During 2002, he became one of the main organizers of smuggled weapons, narcotics and excise goods from K&M into Macedonia. In March of the same year, during one of his actions of weapon transfer, KFOR intercepted the group of smugglers and, in the armed conflict which ensued, Suma was seriously wounded. He was taken to the hospital in Priština for treatment, but managed to run away. He is on the American “black list” of organizations and individuals who have restricted access to financial aid, i.e., who are forbidden to enter the US.

118. RUFKI (Ibrahim) SUMA
Born on April 15th, 1968, in the village of Dimce, Municipality of Kačanik. At the beginning of 1998, following orders of the KLA general staff in the Drenica region, he formed diversionary terrorist groups active in the Djeneral Janković region. One of his groups organized a channel to bring in weapons from FYROM into K&M, and Suma personally financed its purchase and made decisions on its storage. When this group was arrested by the members of the Serbian Ministry of Internal Affairs, Rufki Suma managed to get away, but was sentenced, in absentia, to 10 years in prison. After the Serbian Security Forces were withdrawn from K&M, he was one of the organizers of the Serb exile from the Djeneral Janković region, and he personally took part in organizing several assassinations in that region. He was later appointed Commander of the KPC 163rd brigade in Vitina, and is now, the commander of the KPC unit stationed in Djeneral Janković, with the rank of major. During 2001 he organized collection of financial means with the intention of providing aid to the LAPMB units in southern Serbia and to NLA in Macedonia, and also personally participated in the clashes with Macedonian Security Forces. Beside his terrorist activities, he is also involved in criminal activities. Together with Emrush Suma, from the village of Dimce, Municipality of Kačanik, he formed his own criminal clan in 1999, which smuggled arms and drugs from FYROM to K&M and in the opposite direction. They also extort money from the local companies and wealthy individuals, as well as from the shippers whose trucks pass through Djeneral Janković, The members of Suma’s clan are connected with the criminal groups headed by Rustem Mustafa, aka “Remi”, from Podujevo.

119. ISMET (Mihedin) TARA
Born on August 6th, 1963, in Orahovac. With a group of his fellow fighters from KLA, including Gezim Hamza, aka “Piktor”, Gjelal Hajda, aka “Toni”, Selajdin Mulabazi, aka “Mici”, and Sabajdin Cena, aka “Sosi”, he formed a special KLA unit, with the headquarters located in the village of Carevac, in the vicinity of Orahovac. He is one of the organizers and perpetrators in the armed attack on Orahovac on July 17, 1998, and a large number of terrorist attacks against the members of the Serbian Ministry of Internal Affairs and the YA forces. In 1998, this earned him the appointment to the position of the commander of the KLA 124th brigade in the operative zone of Paštrik, whose headquarters were located in the village of Retimlje, Municipality of Orahovac, at that time. With Sabajdin Cena, he is responsible for a number of assassinations and crimes against the non-Albanian population in Orahovac, when Albanian terrorists entered into this town in June 1999. Also, together with Cena and Skender Hoxha, he was in charge of the camp for Serb prisoners which, at one time, was located in Albania, two km north from Trooper. After KPC was formed, he was appointed one of its top officials for the Orahovac region and he personally seized a “Jugopetrol” gas station for the needs of this formation. During the terrorist activities of LAPMB in southern Serbia in 2000, he was involved in the illegal transfer of weapons and military equipment to the terrorists. He is the leader of the extremist Party of Justice for the Orahovac region.

120. GANI (Haxhija) THAQI
Born on January 1st, 1958, in the village of Broćna, Municipality of Srbica. He is Hashim Thaqi’s brother. From 1992 onwards, he took part in the attacks against the members of the Serbian Ministry of Internal Affairs. Through his brother, Hashim, he made contact with Sami Lushtaku, Besim Rama, Kadri Veseli, Rexhep Selimi, Adem Jashari and other terrorists. He was appointed commander of the 112th brigade “Arben Halliti” which was active in the operative zone of Drenica in 1998. He took an active part in the terrorist actions against the members of the Serbian Ministry of Internal Affairs and the YA forces. He is the owner of 12 gas stations which now bear the name of Kosovo Petrol, formerly owned by Jugopetrol and Beopetrol, and he holds a monopoly over the trade in oil derivatives on the whole territory of K&M. Other gas station owners pay him the licence “tax” and, in case they refuse, they become the targets of an armed group of mercenaries personally controlled by Gani Thaqi. The group issues a warning and then confiscates their goods and forbids them further operations. His position in the oil and oil derivatives market is secured by Hashim Thaqi who, also, and in the same manner, reaps huge financial profits.

121. HASHIM (Haxhija) THAQI, alias “Gjarpni” (“Snake”)
Born on April 24th, 1969, in the village of Broćna, Municipality of Srbica. Following KLA’s demilitarization, he formed the DPK political party whose president he has been from the beginning. In July 1997, he was sentenced, in absentia, by a verdict of the District Court in Priština, to 10 years in prison, for the criminal acts of terrorism, and in February 1998, a central arrest warrant was issued in his name. As a member of the inner circle of KLA, he took part in securing financial means for KLA, smuggled terrorist groups into the country, was in charge of their diversionary terrorist training and their armament. He completed his military training, lasting a couple of months, in Albania, after which he was directly engaged in a number of terrorist actions in K&M. He was a participant in the attack on the railroad crossing in Glogovac, when four policemen were killed, and three were seriously wounded. Also, on a number of occasions, he visited the village of Klečka, Municipality of Lipljan, at the time when a group of Serb civilians were imprisoned, abused and subsequently murdered there. Even though he had secured his participation in the interim bodies of K&M, he maintains his powerful influence over the most extreme structures of the former KLA, which he uses with the intention of intimidating his political rivals and applying pressure on the non-Albanian population to move out of K&M. Towards the end of 2001, following Hashim Thaqi’s initiative, a number of terrorist groups were organized, composed of former KLA members, mainly from the Drenica region, whose activities he controls through Kadri Veseli, the head of SIK, Sami Lushtaku, from Srbica, and others. A secret armed group is also under his control and is responsible for a series of crimes, murders, kidnappings and serious threats in the region of southern Srbica, in the villages of Rudnik, Radiševo, Suvo Grlo, Banje, Kotore and Kućica. The immediate supervisor of this group is Rexhep Selimi, from the village of Ovčarevo, Municipality of Srbica, who is otherwise the head of the KPC Academy. The members of the group are Musa Dervishaj, Zenun Kadriju, Gjeladin Gecaj and others. Thaqi is in contact with Alli Ahmeti, NLA commander in Macedonia, with whom he collaborates in transporting terrorists from Macedonia into the territory of the Preševo and Bujanovac municipalities, with the goal to carry out terrorist actions against the multi-ethnic police checkpoints in certain villages, on a part of the administrative border with K&M. He is also the organizer of a criminal organization, known as the “Drenica Group”, with a large number of his family members included in it. The aforementioned group controls between 10% to 15% of the overall number of criminal activities in K&M in connection with the smuggling of arms, stolen cars, oil and, partially, cigarettes, as well as with prostitution, the establishment and maintenance of connections with the members of the Albanian, Czech and Macedonian mafia. Other than that, Thaqi’s sister is married to Sejdija Bajrush, one of the leaders of the Albanian mafia. Thaqi controls the greater part of organized crime in the region of Istok-Klina-Srbica-Priština. His closest associate in the smuggling of stolen vehicles is Fadhil Thaqi. With this, he is assisted by the Kitaj criminal clan. On the territory of the Klina Municipality, Hamdi Thaqi is involved in organized prostitution, while operations connected with the trafficking of drugs and with prostitution are handled by Hashim Thaqi, together with his cousin Menduh Thaqi, and Betush Zihugoli and Engel Shabani, aka “Angel”. Through Menduh Thaqi, he is connected with the illegal arms and oil trade. Along with Ekrem Lluka, Fatmir Limaj, Flori Maloku and Ismet Osmani, Thaqi is one of the bosses of illegal cigarette trade in K&M. Thaqi’s close associate in the organized prostitution, narcotics and arms trafficking operations is Xhavit Haliti who, among other things, is involved in intimidation, blackmail and elimination of Thaqi’s political rivals. A considerrable part of the financial means thus acquired is used by the Thaqi clan and channeled into the political campaign for Hashim Thaqi, while the other part of the money is delivered as aid to the Albanian terrorist groups.

122. AHMET (Alli) QERIQI, alias “Shpat”
Born on December 26th, 1946, in the village of Krajmirovci, Municipality of Lipljan. Since 1996, he was arrested on a number of occasions because of his extremist activities. He was one of the top officials of the KLA general staff in the village of Krajmirovci, Municipality of Lipljan. During 1998, he took part in organizing and carrying out terrorist attacks on the members of the Serbian Ministry of Internal Affairs and the YA forces. Following orders from KLA, he traveled to Albania where, in the camps of Vljor and Kruma, he completed his military training. On June 29, 1998, in the village of Crnoljevo, Municipality of Štimlje, together with Ramiz Qeriqi, Ramadan Beluji, Rahman Tafa and Sylejman Qeriqi, he took part in the kidnapping of four ethnic Serbs (Veljko Bakrač, Ivan Bakrač, Stamena Geno and another person). He was also a participant in the kidnapping of the Albanian, Kadri Tafa, his son Sherif, then Gjem Fehmi, Emin Emini and Elmi Qerkini. In November 1998, he was seriously wounded on his way back from Albania, where he went with the purpose of purchasing and illegally transporting weapons and ammunition. Following this incident, and due to his medical condition, he stopped all terrorist activities and became active in the fundraising activities for Hashim Thaqi’s DKP. In 1999, he was in the position of the Deputy Commander of the KLA police in the Štimlje Municipality. He is currently the owner of a private Union Bank in Lipljane. In the bank‘s Managing Board, beside Qeriqi, there are also Fahrudin and Hizer Gashi, both former KLA members. This bank is used for the laundering of the funds acquired through drugs and weapons sales.

123. RAMIZ (Rexhep) QERIQI, alias “Luan” or “Sokol”
Born on April 15th, 1962, in the village of Krajmirovci, Municipality of Lipljan. At the beginning of the 90s, he was in Germany and was active in the Albanian emigration circles. He completed his training for terrorist activities in Skadar, Albania and, at the beginning of 1998, he joined KLA terrorist activities in the municipalities of Lipljan, Štimlje and Mališevo, where he carried out the duties of the commander of the KLA general staff for the villages of Krajmirovci and Petraštica. Prior to arriving in this region, he took part in the attacks against the members of the Serbian Ministry of Internal Affairs and the YA forces, in the village of Prekaze. On June 22, 1998, he personally killed a policeman and wounded another. Seven days later, together with Ramadan Beluli, Rahman Tafa and Sylejman Qeriqi, he took part in the kidnapping four civilians and headed the group which kidnapped, and later murdered, Agim Ademi, Ahmeti Veseli and Adem Ramadani. The same group carried out the terrorist act in which Miroslav Stanišić, a reserve police officer of the police station in Lipljan, was wounded. He also headed the attack against the family of Fatmir Qerimi, from the village of Glodjanac, Municipality of Štimlje, as well as the action of kidnapping Tanjug’s journalists, Nebojsa Radošević and Vladimir Dobričić. The kidnapped individuals were jailed into the previously dug wells in the village of Klečka, Municipality of Lipljan. Towards the end of 1998, he became the commander of KLA newly formed 121st brigade and, following the withdrawal of the Serbian security forces from K&M, he was one of the top officials of the secret police of Kosovo. After KLA was disbanded, he joined the LAPMB terrorist organization in south of Serbia. Starting from 2002, he was engaged in the recruitment of the members for the terrorist organization ANA, together with Bekim Zejnulahu and he maintained contacts with Ajvaz Karpuzi and Rame Buja, as well as with former NLA members in Macedonia.

124. SAMI (Brahim) UKSHINI, nicknamed “Sokol”
Born on October 15th, 1967, in the village of Morina, Municipality of Djakovica. Together with Sadri Avduli, he formed and led a terrorist group that was active in the Djakovica region. The group numbered 35 members and was armed with automatic and semiautomatic guns, mortars, heavy machine guns and a cannon. In the course of 1998, it carried out a number of armed attacks against the members of the Serbian Ministry of Internal Affairs and the YA forces. He was deputy to Maliq Ndrecaj, Commander of the Kumanovo operative zone, which included the 113th brigade, “Ismet Jashari”, headed by Kushtrim Hoxha.

125. AVNI (Beqir) FETA
Born on November 15th, 1974, in the village of Penduh, Municipality of Podujevo. As the commander of KLA police in the operative zone of Lab, in 1999, Feta, together with Sefedin and Jashar Ejupi, former policemen of the Kosovo Secretariat of Internal Affairs, now members of KPS, from the village of Sekirača, Municipality of Podujevo, directly participated in the murder of Srba Djukić, from the village of Glavnik, Municipality of Podujevo, as well as in the terrorist attacks on Stanimir Dimović, a policeman of the police station in Podujevo. Together with Safet Hasani and Blerim Blakqori, aka “Beni”, on December 21, 1998, in Podujevo, he carried out a terrorist attack in which Milić Jović, an operative of the State Security Center of Priština was killed. Together with Avni Berisha, aka “Tarkan”, from the village of Konjuševac, Municipality of Podujevo, and Rustem Mustafa, aka “Remi”, from the village of Prepolac, Municipality of Podujevo, Feta was a member of the group which, in this region, carried out a number of terrorist attacks and, after the withdrawal of the Serbian Ministry of Internal Affairs the YA forces from K&M, carried out ethnic cleansing on the territory of the Podujevo and Priština municipalities. After the arrest of Latif Gani, Feta was appointed head of the operative zone within SIK and, together with Elmi Reqica, aka “Petrit”, and Xhavit Haliti, was one of the top officials of the secret police. He is currently a member of the terrorist formation ANA active on the territory of K&M, as confirmed by the fact that he is in possession of this illegal organization’s ID card. UNMIK police has issued an arrest warrant in his name, for a number of crimes committed in K&M, in the period following the arrival of the international forces.

126. ADEM (Rust) HAGJOCAJ
Born in the village of Prekoluk, Municipality of Dečani. As a member of the KLA group in the aforementioned village, Hagjocaj traveled illegally to Albania, on a number of occasions, from where he transferred a large amount of weapons necessary to carry out terrorist activities. Until August 1998, he took part, together with the terrorists from Glodjani, in the abduction, torture and assassination of a large number of members of the Serbian Ministry of Internal Affairs and the Serb civilians from the region of the municipalities of Dečani, whose bodies were subsequently dumped into the Radonjić Lake. Beside that, he is was one of the perpetrators in the murder of a large number of Albanians from the Dečani Municipality, amongst whom Muarem Hagjocaj, a member of the local security force in the Prekoluk village.

127. ABIT (Ajet) HAZIRAJ, alias “Ninja”
Born on June 26th, 1956, in the village of Lauš, Municipality of Srbica. He was the commander of the 2nd battalion of the 113th KLA brigade, which was active in the Drenica region. In July 1998, he headed a terrorist group that kidnapped and subsequently murdered Čedomir Kandić, from the village of Kotore, Municipality of Srbica, and burned down a number of Serb houses in the same village. In November 1999, in the vicinity of the village of Vitaka, he and Muhamet Haliti, aka “Naser”, kidnapped Dostana Smigić, from the village of Leoččin, Municipality of Srbica, and took her to an improvised jail in the village of Likovac, where she was subsequently murdered.
In May 2000, following the orders of Sali Veseli, accompanied with a financial reward, Haziraj murdered Ekrem Rexha, aka “Drini”, from Prizren. Because of that, he was arrested by UNMIK together with his three accomplices and his trial for this criminal act commenced at the beginning of 2003.

128. SADIK (Magjun) HALITJAHA
Born on June 7th, 1955, in the village of Mušutište, Municipality of Suva Reka. Acting within the illegal organization NPK from this region, Halitjah drew attention to himself as one of the most extremist members, which is why criminal charges were brought against him, in 1986. In the same year, he illegally travelled to Switzerland, where he was granted asylum and joined the activities of the Albanian extremist immigration. In addition to his engagement in the recruitment of young Albanians who were sent to the diversionary terrorist training, and then to the KLA units in K&M, in 1998, Halitjah, with a group of terrorists, arrived in K&M from Albania, where he was immediately appointed commander of the KLA regional general staff in the village of Budakovo, Municipality of Suva Reka. He was an organizer of weapons and ammunition acquisition from Albania and soon established a powerful terrorist organization, which placed a significant part of the territory in this region under its temporary control. Under his command, an illegal jail was established in the village of Budakovo. As a member of the illegal “Eagle’s Eye” organization he was engaged in controlling the operations and racketeering the night clubs and brothels, in the region of Uroševac, Gnjilane, Glogovac and Prizren, in 1999. After KPC was formed, Halitjaha was appointed head of the department for civilian and military affairs, but was suspended in 2002. During the same period, following the initiative of the KLA general staff, an Association of KLA War Veterans was formed and Halitjaha was elected its president.

129. XHAVIT (Mehmet) HALITI, alias “Bunny”
Born on March 8th, 1956, in Novo Selo, Municipality of Peć. In the eighties, he was a member of the illegal extremist organization which, in its manifesto, listed the secession of K&M from the Republic of Serbia and its accession to Albania as its primary goal. Following the unsuccessful attempt to arrest him in Priština, he resisted to, and in the ensuing shooting, wounded a member of the State security, he fled to Switzerland where he was granted political asylum. He became a member of the top NPK leadership for the region of Western Europe and, as one of the leading officials of the then KLA, he was a member of K&M delegation in Rambouillet. He is a member of DPK and a representative in the Parliament of Kosovo. At the beginning of 1991, he directly organized the illegal delivery of a large quantity of arms and ammunition to the Peć region where, as liaison officers, he used G¸zim Avdimetaj, from Streoce, Municipality of Dečani, the Elezaj brothers, from Radavac, Municipality of Peć, the Camaj brothers, from Novo Selo, Municipality of Peć, and some others. Also, he was connected with the organization of the diversionary terrorist training of KLA members. In direct contacts with the top KLA officials in Switzerland and Germany (Gafur Elshani, Jashar Salihaj, Emrush Xhemajli, Adem Grabovci, Ibrahim Kelmendi, Muhamed Kelmendi, Hasan Ukhagjaj, Hakif Hoti and others), he planned, managed and coordinated KLA activities in K&M and the Republic of Albania, and upon orders from the organization, he occasionally stayed in those regions, in order to strike deals on the distribution of weapons and equipment to KLA members. In 1998, he personally stored a large amount of arms in the region of Tropoje, Albania, and prepared a number of bases to provide shelter for the terrorist groups which arrived in Albania from K&M. After the international forces were deployed, he came to the Peć region, to Vitomirica, where he built a plant for the manufacture of construction materials. He holds the monopoly in that field, which brings him incredibly high financial benefits. He held a significant role in the establishment of the secret police in K&M, which was ready to assist the most extreme terrorist groups in the Province, carrying out ethnic cleansing in the Peć region. As the SIK director, he organized logistic support for the formation of NLA in the FYRepublic of Macedonia and is also mentioned as the man responsible for the establishment of OVIK. The Albanian press accuses him of organizing the assassination of Muhamet Xhemajil, Ibrahim Rugova’s advisor, as well as the top officials of the former State Security Service, Selim Broshaj and Ibusha Kllokoqi. He is connected with the mafia in Albania, as well as with the Albanian intelligence service. He usurps a part of the funds acquired in an illegal manner for himself, while a part is used to finance the activities of Albanian terrorists in K&M, southern Serbia and FYROM. He is one of the central figures of organized crime in K&M. He has an enormous capital and is involved in the racketeering and the activities connected with drugs and protection. Also, he has a total control over the districts of Vitomirica, which is situated 2 km north-east of Peć where he has a number of residences (as well as in Kosovska Mitrovica, Peć, Albania and Switzerland). He is the owner of a number of restaurant and hotel facilities which he uses to launder the money, and which serve him as a cover for the performance of various criminal activities.
Following the elections held on November 17, 2001, he was elected representative in the assembly of K&M and, in March 2002, was named its vicepresident.

130. BUJAR (Rasim) HARADINAJ
Born on May 15th, 1976, in the village of Glodjani, Municipality of Dečani. As a member of the armed formation which was active on the territory of the operative zone of Dukadjin, he took part in over 87 assassinations, 29 kidnappings and set up a number of jails in the villages of Glodjani, Belanica, Likovac, Jablanica and Smonica, Municipality of Prizren, in the rape and sexual harassment of a number of individuals and in the destruction of considerable property. Beside this, he is responsible for some 180 terrorist attacks, among which armed attacks on the villages of Ljodja and Babaloć, in the middle of 1998, as well as for the forced expulsion of the population from the territory of Djakovica, Peć and Dečani, and for setting the church in the village of Gornji Rašić on fire. He is the immediate perpetrator of a number of armed attacks on the members of the Serbian Ministry of Internal Affairs of the Republic of Serbia and the YA forces. Together with Agim Selmani and Daut Haradinaj, he took part in the attack on the members of the army and police, in August 1998, in the vicinity of the village of Šaptej, Municipality of Dečani, and headed a group of terrorists in the attack against the members of the Serbian Ministry of Internal Affairs in the village of Jablanica, Municipality of Djakovica, as well as in the attacks against the policemen and soldiers in the village of Glodjani, in October 1998 and in the Dašinovac bridge, Municipality of Dečani in November 1999. In addition to all this, he is connected with the smuggling of arms to K&M.

131. DAUT (Hilmi) HARADINAJ, alias “Cufi” or “Cripple”
Born on April 6th, 1978, in the village of Glodjani, Municipality of Dečani. As a KLA member, he was seriously wounded in the conflicts with the Serbian security forces and was left without an arm. Following an initiative of the Ramus brothers, Daut and Shkelzen Haradinaj, at the beginning of 1998, he formed the KLA general staff in Glodjani, whose commander became Ramush, and his deputy Daut Haradinaj who was subsequently named a member of the KLA general staff and the commander of the 131st brigade “Isuf Grvala”, whose members committed a large number of crimes in the Dečani region. In the Glodjani prison, which was under direct control of Ramush and Daut Haradinaj, a large number of Serbs were murdered, amongst whom Slobodan Radojević, Miloš and Milica Radunović, Milka Vlahović, Darinka Kovač, Novica Vujišić, Zdravko Radunović, Dragan Djukić, Miloje and Vinka Krstić and others. Daut Haradinaj also directly participated in the murder of Slobodan Praščević and the policeman Milorad Otašević. He is also held responsible for the crimes against the Serbs and Albanians loyal to the Republic of Serbia, as well as those who could have been potential witnesses of the crimes committed by the Haradinaj brothers. He is the direct perpetrator of a number of assassinations, and he organized the assassination of Tahir Zemaj, as well as a score of other political rivals of Hashim Thaqi. After KPC was formed, he was the deputy commander and, afterwards, the commander of the 3rd RTG. Upon KPC command, he was in charge of coordinating operations with the Islamic terrorist organization Al Qaeda. In that capacity, he organized a meeting with Muhamed Al Zawahiri, brother of the ideological leader of the aforementioned organization Dr. Yaman Al Zawahiri in Sophia in October 2001. He was suspended from KPC in 2001 because he was placed on the American “black list” of organizations and individuals who, due to terrorist activities, had
restricted access to financial aid, i.e., who were forbidden to enter the US. Until his arrest by KFOR in July 2002, he directly participated in the attacks on the security forces of the Republic of Macedonia, together with NLA members, and he was also active in the area of arms and drugs trafficking, as part of the criminal group led by Ramush Haradinaj. He is accused of war crimes committed against Kosovo’s Albanians in June 1999.

132. RAMUSH (Hilmi) HARADINAJ
Born on July 3rd, 1968, in the village of Glodjani, Municipality of Dečani. Suspected to have committed criminal acts of terrorism, association with hostile intentions and the murder of civilians, 108 criminal charges were brought against him. He emigrated to Switzerland in 1989, after which he joined the Foreign Legion in France. In 1996 he completed his diversionary terrorist training. In Albania he took part in establishing the logistics bases in Kuks and Tropoj which he later used, with a group of trustworthy associates, to transport weapons to K&M. In mid-1997, he illegally entered the country and, together with his brothers, Daut and Shkelzen, organized terrorist attacks against the police department in the village of Ranić, Municipality of Dečani, and the village of Ponoševac, Municipality of Djakovica, and on the refugee camps in Junik and Babaloć. At the beginning of 1998, in Glodjani, he formed a diversionary terrorist group which, following his orders, intercepted and threatened the Serbs and Albanians loyal to the Republic of Serbia. This group, headed by the Haradinaj brothers, attacked a police patrol in the village of Glodjani, in which Miodrag Otović was murdered. In April of the same year, the terrorist group, led by Ramush Haradinaj, established the KLA general staff in Glodjani for Metohija, the members of which became his brothers Daut and Skeljzen, as well as Hilmi Haradinaj, Faton Mehmeti, Rasim Haradinaj, Fadil Nimonaj, Maliq Ndrecaj and others, while Ramush himself was engaged in the promotion and establishment of local general staffs on the overall region of Dečani and Djakovica. At the same time, on his initiative, a special KLA unit was formed in Glodjani, called “Black
Eagles”, whose commander was Idriz Balaj, aka “Toger”. Under the leadership of Ramush Haradinaj, the “Black Eagles” kidnapped and brutally murdered dozens of Serb civilians. A number of bodies were found in the Radonjić Lake and village wells in the Dečani Municipality. After KPC was formed, Haradinaj was appointed Deputy Commander of the commander of KPC, Agim Çeku. Towards the end of 2000, he left KPC and established the ABK party. In order to maintain his influence over KPC, he managed to place his brother Daut as the commander of the 3rd RTG of KPC which carries out the assassinations of Ramush’s political rivals. Haradinaj also has close connection within the KPS structure, bearing in mind that a large number of policemen and officers of this formation were active in KLA at the time when Haradinaj was the commander of the KLA general staff in Metohija. Ramush Haradinaj is the most influential criminal in Metohija, in the region of Peć, Dečani and Djakovica. In cooperation with Ekrem Lluka and Naser Kelmendi, he created a criminal organization which controls the organized smuggling of drugs, cigarettes, oil, oil derivates, weapons, vehicles and other goods. His close associates, Isa Balaj, Arton Tolaj, Avdyl Mushkoli and Ali Haskaj, all from Dečani, are in contact with the members of the Albanian mafia. A part of the acquired profit from the criminal activities of Haradinaj and his criminal group was given to KPC, and from the same source, a significant part of the financial means was forwarded to Nazim Haradinaj, who supplied the Albanian terrorists in Macedonia with weapons. He belongs to an influential family in the Peć region, which has great rivals in the Rugova and the Musaj clan, which traditionally aids Rugova’s DSK, and formerly had close connections with FARK of Bujar Bukosi. On July 7, 2000, he was seriously wounded in the village of Strelci, in the western part of K&M, which was a result of inter-mafia conflict between the groups belonging to Hashim Thaqi and Haradinaj and the Musaj family. Before and after that, a series of murders were committed as a consequence of the blood feud among the warring clans. In the second half of 2002, an investigation was launched and Daut Haradinaj and a group of top KPC officers were arrested and sentenced to a number of years in prison. Beside that, criminal charges were brought in the District Court in Peć, against Ramush Haradinaj. Aiming to free his brother from prison, Haradinaj, by the mediation of Avdyl Mushkoli, organized demonstrations and initiated the formation of a group of some 30 people who attempted to release Daut Haradinaj by force from the Dubrava prison, Istok Municipality. In January 2003, Haradinaj organized the assassination of Tahir Zemaj, a FARK commander, his son Enis and nephew Hysen, on the Priština–Peć road, in the vicinity of a lumber plant, due to the fact that Zemaj was supposed to be the crown witness in the proceedings against Daut Haradinaj and himself. Following Ramush Haradinaj’s orders, Maliq Ndrecaj was sent to the Vitina region, in order to organize the terrorist ANA, which proof of Haradinaj’s involvement in the incidents in southern Serbia. He was especially active in arms procurement and the secret training of terrorists from this region, which was organized in the villages along the administrative border.

133. NAIT (Gjemajl) HASANI
Born on January 15th, 1965, in the village of Randubrava, Municipality of Prizren. In 1997, he was sentenced to many years of imprisonment for his terrorist activities. In 2002 he was granted amnesty. He is one of the founders of KLA and worked for the unification of the terrorist groups that were active at the beginning of the 90s. In connection with this, he had direct contacts with Azem Syla, Rexhep Selimi, Sylejman Selimi, aka “Sultan”, Gjeladin Gashi, Zarih Pajaziti, as well as with Adem Jashari’s group. Following his release from prison, he joined the DPK political party in 2002 and was elected member of its presidium. However, due to misunderstandings with the party’s leaders, he soon left the party.

134. SAFET (Rahman) HASANI, alias “Breca”
Born on April 23rd, 1970, in Podujevo. As a KLA member of the Lab zone, together with Avni Feta, from the village of Penduh, Municipality of Podujevo, and Blerim Blakqori, aka “Beni”, he participated in the assassination of Milić Jović, an employee of the State Security Service in Priština. Following the withdrawal of the Serbian Security Forces from the territory of K&M, Hasani conducted systematic ethnic cleansing of the Serb population on the territory of the Podujevo Municipality. He took part in the kidnapping of a number of ethnic Serbs in this region (for example Ivan Majstorović). Together with Isa Latifi and Fahri Jakupi, he murdered Srbislav Djukić from the village of Glavnik. He was arrested on September 13, 2002, by the members of UNMIK police and KFOR as he was accused of having participated in the kidnapping his fellow citizens on the territory of Podujevo, in the period between 1998 and 1999. For the aforementioned crimes, he was sentenced to four years of imprisonment and is currently serving his sentence in the Dubrava jail, Municipality of Istok.

135. XHABIT HASANI, alias “Rakip”
Born on March 10, 1957, in the village of Tanuševci, Municipality of Skopje, FYRepublic of Macedonia. He joined KLA in 1999, when he organized the infiltration of volunteers into K&M, through the territory of the village of Tanuševci. He had his own unit of KLA members. Following the conflict in K&M, he bought and sold arms, pharmaceuticals and other goods for the benefit of LAPMB and NLA. When NLA commenced its armed activities in FYROM, he immediately became one of its commanders. However, he soon left the formation and, with some 50 terrorists under his control, carried out actions against the Macedonian police and army. He now smuggles cigarettes and military equipment and is active in recruiting, financing and training ANA members in the region of Uroševac, Vitina and Kačanik. He is Ramush Haradinaj’s spokesman in FYROM. During 2000, he was promoted to the rank of major. He was one of the organizers who also gave orders for the assassination of the Serbs and Albanians loyal to the Republic of Serbia, as well as for burning down Serbian houses and other property in the Vitina Municipality. For the sake of founded suspicion of having committed the murder of a few policemen, and of a construction inspector of the Čair Municipality in FYROM, and following the request of the Government of FYROM, KFOR members arrested Hasani in March 2000 in downtown Vitina and handed him over to the international police forces in FYROM. He was soon released from prison, in exchange for four Macedonian border policemen captured by NLA members, after which he returned to Vitina. He is a member of the illegal “Free Eagles” organization, which is know as “Leopards” in Vitina, which deals in extortion and intimidation. Its members took part in a sudden attack also on the Macedonian security forces in Tanuševci on February 16, 2001. Hasani is closely connected with Skender Habibi, one of the main financiers of ANA terrorist activities in the region of southern Kosovo. KFOR members arrested Hasani again in the first half of 2002 for his criminal acts committed in FYROM, as well as for crimes against the Serb population in K&M. He was sentenced to 14 years in prison by the District Court in Gnjilane, on June 21, 2002.

136. ZEQIR (Mehmet) HAXHIJA, nicknamed “Cannon”
Born on April 16th, 1972, in Djakovica. He joined KLA ranks on the territory of Djakovica in 1998, with a group of Albanian immigrants from Switzerland, and was soon appointed one of the commanders of the 134th brigade “Bedri Shala”. At the same time, he was the leader of the “Black Hand” terrorist group and, together with its members Hekuran Hoda, Nik Pnishi, Nik Smajli, Esat Lata, Kujtim Shala and Anton Lekaj, aka “Pinco”, and was responsible for the kidnapping and murder of Milivoje Buković, from the village of Rača, a policeman in the Djakovica Secretariat of Internal Affairs, of the policeman Pashko Qerimi, from the village of Sopot, Municipality of Djakovica, of Nua Qupi, from the village of Ujz, Municipality of Djakovica, and of Zef Berisha, from the village of Zjum. After the demobilization of KLA, he was appointed one of the top officials of the 3rd RTG of KPC in Peć, but in mid-2001, upon Hashim Thaqi’s request, he was suspended from that position for lacking enthusiasm because of a series of criminal acts which he had committed. He was involved in making forged documents referring to the privatization of certain socially owned companies on the territory of the Djakovica Municipality, which he sold to interested parties at extremely high prices, primarily to the members of the Albanian nationality. In that manner, Haxhija sold the “Deva” company for 500,000 euros to Kolja Komani, from the village of Žub, Municipality of Djakovica. He also squatted in the house of Dmitar Obradović, from Djakovica, where he opened a local radio and TV station.

137. G¨ZIM (Sami) HAXHIMUSA, alias “Shpingj” and “Piktori”
Born on February 21st, 1968, in the village of Dukanjevo, Municipality of Uroševac. He was a courier for the KLA Commander of the General Staff in the village of Jezerce, in charge of liaison with the persons from Uroševac who were providing logistic support to KLA members. Later, he became the commander of a special KLA unit in that region. Following the armed conflict in K&M, he was one of the organizers and direct participants in the ethnic cleansing of the Serbian population in the villages of Zaskok, Doganjevo, Nekodim, Selo Varoš, Plešina, Grebno and Gatnje, in the Uroševac Municipality. As a member of KPS, he was placed in the police station in Uroševac, but he left this job due to medical reasons. However, he immediately joined the illegal secret police of Kosovo for the region of the said Municipality, and after ANA was formed, he joined its activities and is now the head of the ANA general staff for the Uroševac region.

138. HEKURAN (Miftar) HODA
Born on February 18th, 1965, in Djakovica. Starting from 1992, he was a member of the illegal general staff of the national defense in Djakovica, headed by Mazlom Kumnova, Naser Zeka, Ilir Bitiqi and Bedri Cahani. At the beginning of 1998, following orders of Mazlom Kumnova, Sokol Dobruna and Aqifi Qehu, he formed a center for the recruitment of volunteers who were subsequently taken to the Smonica and Jablanica villages, Municipality of Djakovica, and the Glodjani village, Municipality of Dečani, where strong KLA terrorist bases existed, and later he himself joined these groups. He was appointed to one of the commander functions by Ramush Haradinaj, and during June, July and August 1998, he led a number of terrorist attacks against the members of the Serbian Ministry of Internal Affairs which resulted, at the end of August 1998, in the criminal charges against him for the criminal act of terrorism. In the spring of 1999, in the Djakovica region, he formed a city guerilla, which was active in the Čabrat district, and in April and at the beginning of May of that year, it carried out a few terrorist attacks in which a number of civilians and three members of the police and army forces were killed. After the Kumanovo Agreement was signed, he organized a number of terrorist groups, which carried out kidnapping and murder of the remaining members of the Serb and Montenegrin population in Djakovica, among whom were Negovan Dedić, Zvezdan Mojsić, Budimir Baljošević, Staniša Milenković and Goran Stolić. He is also responsible for kidnapping and murder of Milica Vekić and Desanka Ilić, from Djakovica. His closest associates and accomplices in the aforementioned murders were Antun Lekaj, aka “Pinqo”, Baton Morina, Adnan Krasniqi, aka “Cipi”, and Kreshnik Prtoli. After KPC was established, he was appointed Deputy Commander of the 332nd brigade in Djakovica. He abused his official position by usurping enormous financial means from the humanitarian aid and used them to build a luxurious hotel on Čabrat hill. Beside that, he is also the owner of the “Sini” radio and television station. In September 2002, UNMIK police questioned Hoda about his participation in the theft and extortion of money from wealthy Albanians from Djakovica, after which he was fired from his top position in the brigade of KPC. Fearing that the members of the International Security Force would make him pay for the crimes he had committed, he fled to Albania in 2002.

139. FATMIR (Shefqet) HUMOLLI, alias “Baci”
Born on April 11th, 1965, in the village of Donje Ljupče, Municipality of Podujevo. He is the president of the Governing Board of PMKL and a representative in the Parliament of Kosovo, and is also active in KPC’s Lab RTG. In 1982, as a member of the illegal organization “New Kosovo”, he was arrested and sentenced to three years in prison. After serving his sentence, he joined the NPK organization and, when a number of its members were arrested, he illegally fled to Albania and joined PMKL. In 1997, he was sentenced in absentia, to 8 years in prison. At the beginning of 1998, he illegally crossed the border and returned to K&M from Albania, where he was engaged in the organization of a shelter for armed individuals who came from Albania and their transfer to KLA units on the territory of the Podujevo Municipality. During the same year, owing to his connections with Rustem Mustafa, he became a member of the KLA general staff of the Lab general staff. Following his and Rustem Mustafa’s orders, in 1999 and 2000, two terrorist groups were formed: “BIA” (the group got its name from the first initials of the killed terrorists Bahri Fazliu, Ilir Konjushevci and Agron Rahmani, its headquarters were in Priština, in the Vranjevac district), whose task was to carry out terrorist activities against the remaining Serb population on the territory of K&M, and “Skifteri”, in charge of applying pressure on the non-Albanian population (the leader of this group was Ruzhdi Halili, aka “Rudi”, and its members were Behar Berisha, Nazif Metoli, nicknamed “Tabut”, Hilmi Veli, aka “Death”, Haki Abazi, Aslan Sinani, Gani Koci, Shefqet Murseli, Shaqir Beqiri, and the brothers Faik and Raif Arifi). The members of the said group were connected with the assassination of Kemal Shabani, a member of the Central State Security in Priština, Latif Krasniqi, from the Mahovac village, Xhavit Shala, from Vranjević, and Enver Gjaki. The members of the “Skifteri” group murdered Miško Maršulović, a reserve officer of the Serbian Ministry of Internal Affairs, and his brother-in-law, Dragan, from Kruševac. The members of the “BIA” terrorist group were the perpetrators of the terrorist attack on the Niš-Express passenger bus on February 16, 2001, in the vicinity of the village of Livadice, Municipality of Podujevo, when 11 people were killed and a number of ethnic Serb passengers were wounded. Humolli is also connected with the murder of Milan Milovanović in the village of Dabovac, Municipality of Kuršumlija, and of planting an anti-tank mine on the Kuršumlija-Prepolac passenger route in November 1999, when three members of the Serbian Ministry of Internal Affairs were killed, while 6 were seriously wounded. In 2001, he was elected a representative to the Assembly of the Podujevo Municipality, as an ABK member but, at the same time, he was engaged in the general staff of the 5th RTG of KPC. At PMKL’s fifth session, held on July 29, 2001, he was elected president of movement. At the last parliamentary elections in Kosovo, PMKL received a single seat, on the list with Fatmir Humolli’s name.

140. SABAJDIN (Samedin) CENA, alias “Sosi”
Born on March 13th, 1953, in Orahovac. He was one of the initiators and organizers of the diversionary terrorist group in the Orahovac region, at the beginning of 1998. As a member of KLA general staff for Orahovac, he was one of those who decided to launch an armed attack on Orahovac on July 17, 1998, and then to carry out kidnappings and assassination of dozens of civilians of the Serb and Montenegrin nationality. Following the withdrawal of the Security Forces of the Republic of Serbia from K&M, he entered Orahovac with his terrorist formation. Then, upon his orders, Serbs and Montenegrins were arrested, as well as some Albanians loyal to the Republic of Serbia, of whom a certain number were killed. As the president of DPK for the Orahovac region, he took part in the seizing of the local government, at which time the private property of the Serb civilians was plundered. Due to the crimes committed by KLA members in 1998 and 1999 against the non-Albanian population in the Orahovac region, the members of UNMIK police have been searching for Sabajdin Cena and Ismet Tara, also from Orahovac. At the moment, both are at large.

141. AGIM (Hasan) ÇEKU
Born on October 29th, 1960, in the village of Ćuška, Municipality of Peć. A former YNA officer, now the Commander-in-Chief of KPC. He is married to Dragica, a Serb. During the armed conflicts in Croatia, as a colonel of the Assembly of the National Guard, he headed the unit which, towards the end of September 1991, carried out kidnappings, assassinations and massacres of 156 of the most renown Serbs from Gospić. In September 1993, he took part in the attack of the members of the Croatian army on the Medak Pocket, when 87 Serbian civilians were massacred. He was one of the key participants in the planning of the “Storm” operation executed in August 1995. Together with Rahim Ademi, a general of the Croatian Army, he organized the recruitment and transfer of the Albanians from Croatia to the KLA units in 1997. In 1998, he was appointed chief of the KLA general staff and took part in the planning and execution of terrorist acts aimed against the members of Serbian Ministry of Internal Affairs and the YA forces, as well as against the non-Albanian population in K&M. After KLA was disbanded, Çeku was named the Commander-in-Chief of KPC whose members, under his control, channeled their terrorist activities towards the members of the Serbian Ministry of Internal Affairs deployed in the security zone in the municipalities of Preševo, Bujanovac and Medvedja, as well as against the members of the army and police forces of the FYRepublic of Macedonia. Following Çeku’s instructions, large amounts of arms, which were at KLA’s disposal, were hidden in secret locations in K&M. Through his brother Besim, after NATO’s bombing campaign, Agim Çeku controlled the jails where Serb civilians were held, of which many were killed. Aiming to better coordinate terrorist activities and provide more efficient logistic support to the members of LAPMB, upon Çeku’s orders, this formation’s headquarters were located in the main headquarters of RTG KPC Karadak in Gnjilane until May 2001. From May to August 2001, in Agim Çeku’s organization, certain KPC officers, primarily members of the “Black Eagles” group, headed by KPC major Idriz Balaj, aka “Toger”, took an active part in the conflicts in Macedonia, within NLA units. At the beginning of 2002, Çeku publicly denounced the arrest of the active KPC officers – Latif Gashi, former Deputy Commander of RTG Lab, and Rustem Mustafa, former commander of RTG Karadak, by UNMIK members, who were accused of committing war crimes in K&M. Through his brother Ethem, he controls criminal activities connected with the trafficking in arms, drugs and in the illegal trade in excise goods in the Peć region, directly collaborating with Daut Kadriovski and Rufat Musa. He is the owner of the “Sloga” company from Priština that owns the Grand and Božur hotels, used as brothels, gambling facilities and drug distribution centers. His business operations are handled by Sylejman Selimi. He has some 60 shops throughout K&M. He is very close to Rahim Ademi, Ramush Haradinaj, Adem Krasniqi, Murat Jashari, Shaqir Shaqiri, Shefqet Musliu and Hashim Thaqi, with whom he controls all KPC public and secret activities.

142. ETHEM (Demo) ÇEKU
Born on October 1st, 1962, in Peć. He was a member of the illegal organization PMKL, which earned him a prison sentence. He initiated the establishment of the extremist wing of the Parliamentary Party of Kosovo in Peć, promoted KLA in the region and took part in the illegal transfer of arms. He received and took care of the volunteers joining KLA from western Europe and their illegal transport to the Drenica region, where armed operations were carried out. He took part in the activities of the KLA general staff for the Metohija zone whose commander was Ramush Haradinaj. In mid-1999, he was appointed President of the Municipal Assembly of Peć. At the time when ABK was formed, he was elected member of the Presidium and, during the election campaign, he was the president of that party’s Central Election Commission. During NATO’s bombing, Ethem and Besim Çeku commanded the camps, of which one was situated in the Junik mountains, and the other in the village of Dragobilje in the vicinity of Mališevo. The Serbs who were imprisoned in these camps were forced to carry out hard physical labor in the Deva mine. His criminal activities were carried out within the criminal organization of Ramush Haradinaj and Ekrem Lluka, and the profit they acquired was used to finance the activities of the Albanian terrorist groups which, from the Peć region, were illegally transferred to southern Serbia and western FYROM. He is currently in the position of minister of ecology and development in the Government of Kosovo.

143. MUHAMET (Mahmut) ÇERKEZI, alias “Çerkez”
Born on July 9th, 1979, in Priština. He belonged to the terrorist group formed in the Obilić region, headed by Abedin Sogojeva and Sabit Lladrovci. He was connected to the murder of the Rapajić family from Obilić, committed on November 28, 2000, and he planted an explosive device in the restaurant Kastelo, and is the main organizer of the destruction of the Miloš Obilić monument in the downtown area of the same city. Beside his activities in K&M, he joined LAPMB units in carrying out terrorist activities in southern Serbia. He was arrested by UNMIK police, together with Bekim Berbatovci, from Obilić, because he was suspected of being involved in the murder of the Stolić family. Due to the lack of evidence, they were both released from prison after 72 hours.

144. EMRUSH (Muharem) XHEMAJLI
Born on May 1st, 1959, in the village of Kamena Glava, Municipality of Uroševac. Between 1981 and the outbreak of hostility in K&M, he lived in Bien, Switzerland. Together with his brother Mustafa, he was an initiator of the establishment of NMRK. When NMRK suddenly started losing membership in 1991, the Xhemajli brothers formed an illegal extremist organization NPK. As secretary of this organization, Emrush Xhemajli was especially active in recruiting and organizing the transfer of the recruited Albanians to the Republic of Albania for military training. Thence, after the completion of the training, they were sent to join KLA units in K&M. He also took part in the collection of financial means for the weapons and military equipment acquisition for KLA needs. After his arrival in K&M in 1998, he helped form KLA terrorist general staff in the region of the municipalities Uroševac, Kačanik and Vitina. Following the deployment of international forces in K&M in June 1999, he was appointed coordinator of NPK with KFOR and UNMIK. At the beginning of 2000, together with Gafur Elshani, he registered NPK as a new political party and became its president. After LAPMB was formed, he maintained intense contacts with Junuz Musliu and often stayed in the territory of the municipalities of Preševo, Bujanovac and Medvedja. In connection with this, as the president of NPK, he played a decisive role in establishing ANA on the territory of Prizren and Dragaš, and was also active in collecting financial means for the needs of this terrorist formation. Xhemajli is a close associate of Ali Ahmeti and together they planned NLA activities in FYROM. He was one of the main organizers of the illegal transfer of this formation’s members to the training camps in K&M, followed by their return to FYROM with the intention of carrying out terrorist activities. Due to his connection with terrorist organizations, he was placed on the American “black list” of organizations who have restricted access to financial aid, i.e., who are forbidden to enter the US.

145. IDRIZ (Rizah) SHABANI, alias “Luta”
Born on December 1st, 1958, in the village of Orlani, Municipality of Podujevo. He is a retired YNA officer. He was a member of the general staff of the operative zone of Lab, and later the commander of the 152nd brigade called “Shaban Shala”, with headquarters in the village of Burince. After KLA was disbanded, he took a high officer position in the KPC general staff where he carries out the duties of the department head in the 5th RTG. He belonged to the terrorist group which was, for a while, led by Zahir Pajaziti, and which carried out a number of terrorist actions, among which the throwing of hand grenades on the Serbs from Croatia, situated in the Djuro Djaković high school building in Podujevo, the attack on the refugee Serbs from Croatia situated in the former rest home of the Power Industry, in the village of Batlava, the attack on Sredo Radović and Stanko Dimović, members of the police station in Podujevo, the attack on Bejtush Beka, an employee of the Central State Security of Priština, who later succumbed and died because of the wounds, as well as the attack on the building of the Department of Internal Affairs of Podujevo and the police departments in the villages of Krpimej, Lužane and Orlani. Beside that, in 1996, Shabani, together with the members of this terrorist group, carried out a new attack on Sredo Radović, he took part in the assassination of a member of the Serbian Ministry of Internal Affairs, Miloš Nikolić, and an employee of the Podujevo Municipality Dragan Rakić, from the village of Velika Reka, in the village of Sukriš, Municipality of Podujevo. The same group carried out an attack in 1997 on Radivoje Papović, the rector of the University of Priština. Beside the listed crimes, Idriz Shabani, after the withdrawal of the Serbian security forces from K&M, continued to take part in a systematical ethnic cleansing of the Serb population on the territory of the Podujevo and Priština municipalities.

146. BESNIK (Zenel) SHALA
Born on May 31st, 1974, in the village of Ozrim, Municipality of Peć. He is one of the founders of the KLA branch in the region of the Drim district. He belonged to a group of terrorists from the village of Lodja, composed of Naim Gjuraj, from the village of Radavac, Naim Lushi, from the village of Ćuška, and Muhamet Demaj, from the village of Dobruše, in the vicinity of Peć. This group committed a series of murders, kidnappings and issued threats at the population from the region of the Peć and Istok municipalities. In December 1998, Shalja took part in a terrorist attack on the members of the Serbian Ministry of Internal Affairs, engaged in the protection of the hospital where the wounded member of Shalja’s group was hospitalized. On that occasion, a few persons were wounded. Beside that, he is one of two perpetrators of the terrorist attack on a group of high school pupils in the café “Panda” in Peć, on December 14, 1998, when 6 persons were killed (Ivan Radević, Dragan Trifović, Ivan Obradović, Svetislav Ristić, Vukota Gvozdenović and Zoran Stanojević), while three young men were seriously wounded (Mirsad Šabović, Vladan Lončarević and Nikola Rajević). In January 1999, he tried to kidnap Smajl Mehmetaj, from the village of Ruhot, and in July 1999, he took part in the attacks on the patrol of the Serbian Ministry of Internal Affairs, in the vicinity of the village of Lodja. He is responsible for the assassination of several members of the Serbian Ministry of Internal Affairs, as well as for the assassinations of some Albanians from the same village who had, allegedly, cooperated with the Serbian police.

147. SHABAN (Beko) SHALA
Born on May 15th, 1961, in the village of Lodja, Municipality of Peć. He graduated from the Military Academy and was a member of the Kosovo Secretariat for Internal Affairs. Towards the end of 1994, he was sentenced for his activities within the illegal Ministry of Internal Affairs of the Republic of Kosovo. At the beginning of 1995, he was involved in the organization of the diversionary terrorist training of KLA members in Albania. Upon his orders, a number of Serbs were kidnapped and murdered in the Peć region and the non-Albanian population was forcefully exiled. Shala was responsible for issuing orders for the kidnapping of Velizar Stošić, from the village of Belo Polje, Municipality of Peć, whose body was later found in the Radonjić Lake. In one of the terrorist attacks carried out by the group headed by Shala, the policemen Mirko Radunović and Mile Rajković were killed, while captain Srdjan Milović was captured and, after torture, killed. He led the KLA group in the village of Lodja, Municipality of Peć, which, in 1998 and 1999, on the outskirts of Peć, carried out a series of attacks on the members of the Serbian Ministry of Internal Affairs. He was directly involved in kidnapping of ethnic Serb and Montenegrin civilians in the wider region of Lodja, of which some were murdered. From June to September 1999, he carried out the duties of commander of KLA military police in Peć, where he took an active part in the organization and execution of ethnic cleansing of the non-Albanian population in the wider region of that Municipality. After that, he was appointed chief of the Police Academy class in Vučitrn and subsequently transferred to the Peć region where, together with Gani Hajdari, he carried out the duties of the instructor in charge of personnel training for KPS needs. Ramush Haradinaj, through Shala, organized illegal transfer of arms and military equipment from Albania, later stored in the region of Dečani and Djakovica for ANA’s needs. In view of the fact that Haradinaj’s terrorist and criminal organization is increasingly concerned by the investigations conducted by the international forces in relation with the crimes committed prior to, at the time of, and after NATO bombing, it stands to reason that some of these arms might be used in terrorist attacks on the members of KFOR and UNMIK.

148. SHABAN (Veli) SHALA
Born on December 1st, 1958, in the village of Negrovac, Municipality of Glogovac. Because of his activities within the illegal organization NMRK, he was sentenced to 7 years in prison in 1985. Within KLA, he carried out the duties of the deputy commander for the Drenica region, and he was later appointed commander of the 6th RTG, and then commander of the 1st Drenica RTG in KPC. He is responsible for setting up illegal jails in the village of Likovac, Municipality of Srbica, and in the village of Lapuštnik, Municipality of Glogovac. In these jails, citizens of the Serb and Albanian nationality which KLA suspected of having collaborated with the Serbian Ministry of Internal Affairs were tortured and killed. Commanding the 6th RTG of KPC until October 2000, he ordered intensified terrorist attacks and threats against the Serb population in the village of Pasjani, Municipality of Gnjilane. Also, he advised Albanian citizens from the villages of Mučibaba, Lipovica and Burince to move out of Gnjilane in an organized manner, in order to create a clear area for the terrorist activities and the transfer of arms into Preševo, Bujanovac and Medvedja. For carrying out these activities, bases were formed under the control of the general staff of the 6th RTG KPC. Together with Ramush Haradinaj, he is one of the main organizers of drug trafficking in K&M. These activities are carried out together with Bashkim Ibrahimi and Imer Tahiri, from Preševo, and a part of the means acquired in this manner is used to finance LAPMB. He maintains close contact with the former KLA member, Irfeta Spahiu, who was, in November 2000, investigated by the Norwegian members of KFOR for his connections with illegal trade and prostitution of children and adults, as well as trafficking in children and human organs. At the time his apartment was searched, documents belonging to Shala were found, and it is suspected that he personally had taken part in Irfeta Spahiu’s aforementioned activities.

149. NASER (Sadik) SHATRI, alias “Ermal”
Born on September 23rd, 1957, in the village of Tomance, Municipality of Istok. In October 1989, in Istok, he carried out an attack on Tomislav Babović, a member of the Serbian State Security, resulting in severe injures, after which, via illegal channels, he left for Sweden where he was granted political asylum. He was sentenced, in absentia, by the District Court in Peć, to 12 years of imprisonment. Beside playing a significant role in the promotion of terrorist activity among the Albanian emigration in western European countries, asking them to support the terrorist activities of Albanians in K&M, Satri, in 1997 and 1998, via Albania, arrived in the region of the Dečani Municipality, where he got in touch with Ramush Haradinaj and joined the organization of diversionary terrorist training of KLA members. In that period, he was appointed commander of KLA in the village of Prilep, Municipality of Dečani. At the beginning of 1999, following a suggestion by Haradinaj, he was appointed assistant commander of the brigade for military police issues and took part in terrorist attacks on the members of the Serbian Ministry of Internal Affairs and the YA forces in the region of the Istok Municipality where, in an ambush, together with Ziguran Shatri, from the Tomance village, Municipality of Istok, he killed the policeman Selim Adović. Following the withdrawal of the Serbian Security forces, he formed an illegal terrorist group, made up of former KLA police members, whose task was to murder and exert pressure upon non-Albanian population. This group committed a number of murders, among which, that of Momčilo and Sreten Pumpalović from Istok, who were abused and tortured before they were killed. He organized and ran the jails where Serbs and Albanians were held in the penitentiary facility of “Dubrava”, in the vicinity of Istok.

150. XHAFER (Demo) SHATRI
Born on November 10th, 1949, in the village of Tomanci, Municipality of Istok. As a highschool student, he was sentenced several times for his extremist and separatist activities. Because of his attempt to organize an armed rebellion in K&M in 1975, he was sentenced to 8 years in prison. His sentence was extended for another three and a half years because, in the meantime, he had committed another criminal act. In February of 1982, he ran away from jail and via Albania fled to Switzerland where he was granted political asylum. For a number of years, Shatri had, despite formally being a DSK member, consistently kept in contact with the leading extremists from NMRK, taking part in the planning of their operations and in his public appearances he openly supported aggressive methods, such as diversion, assassinations and the like. He established a close connection with Bujar Bukoshi, who appointed him minister of information of his Government in exile. In 1998, the Swiss police confiscated the personal computer, the diskettes and written documents from Shatri’s office and arrested two of his associates on the charge of illegal purchase of arms for KLA. During that year, but in 1999 as well, Shatri organized the transfer of technical equipment to K&M, which is why he visited Albania on a number of occasions and, illegally, Kosovo and Metohija as well. Following NATO’s bombing, he returned to K&M where, on the basis of his instructions, repressive measures were employed against the Serb population, which led to ethnic cleansing in the Istok Municipality. His position was compromised by his collaboration with Bujar Bukoshi, since both were accused of misusing and embezzling 8 million DM, which is part of the means the Albanian emigration from western Europe collected for the needs of Albanian extremists in K&M. Dissatisfied with the treatment, especially by Hashim Thaqi, he returned to Switzerland in the second half of 2002 and became one of the top officials of the central headquarters of the illegal terrorist organization “Ideali”, whose members are gradually joining KPC.

151. MUSTAFA (Shaqir) SHAQIRI, alias ‘Commander Shpejtim”
Born on March 25th, 1967, in the village of Oraovica, Municipality of Preševo. He was one of the initiators for the establishment of LAPMB. As a distinguished member of this organization, besides carrying out activities intended to supply arms to the members of LAPMB, Shaqiri took part in the terrorist attacks against the security forces in the region of the Municipality of Preševo. In October 2000, he was appointed commander of the 113th brigade “Emin Fejzulahu”, which was located in this region, commanding armed actions against the members of the Serbian Ministry of Internal Affairs and the YA forces, until May 2001. Following LAPMB’s demilitarization, for the needs of NLA members, he saw to it that a part of the weapons be transferred to the territory of Macedonia.

152. SHAQIR (Ismaill) SHAQIRI
Born on September 1st, 1964, in the village of Depci, Municipality of Preševo. As the organizer and initiator of the activities of the illegal “Bajram Curi” organization, Sachiri was sentenced by the District Court in Vranje in 1982 to six years in prison, of which he served four in the Leskovac jail. He was supported by the majority of the Albanian extremists from K&M and abroad, and especially distinguished himself during NATO’s bombing of FRY. At that time, he maintained direct contacts with KLA leaders Hashim Thaqi, Ramush Haradinaj and other terrorist leaders. He was the main organizer of weapons, ammunition and medical acquisition, which he distributed to KLA members. He is a participant in the illegal transport of Albanian citizens from K&M to the Republic of Albania, where they were trained for carrying out terrorist actions. Following the deployment of the international forces in K&M, he became the deputy commander of the 6th RTG of KPC for the Gnjilane region. However, after six months, he was suspended by Bernard Couchner’s decision, the then head of the UN civilian mission in K&M. He is one of the main organizers of the establishment and activities of LAPMB, where he was in favor of intensified terrorist activities in the region of the Preševo and Bujanovac municipalities. During 2000, in the region of the Preševo Municipality, he maintained his command structure through which terrorist activities against the Serbian security forces were realized. On a number of occasions, he called attention to his extremist views and beliefs, particularly at the meetings with the members of the international community, regarding the demilitarization of LAPMB, which earned him six months imprisonment in the American Bondsteel base, in the vicinity of Uroševac. He played a significant role in the establishment of a new political group of Albanians – PDP, consisting mainly of former LAPMB members. He is currently the unsurpassed authority on the extremist separatist policies in southern Serbia. His views are expressed in the Association of War Veterans of the former KLA terrorist organization, where he is deputy president.

153. ADEM SHEHU
A former officer of the Albanian Army, he actively participated in the training of Albanian terrorists in the camps throughout Albania. After his arrival in K&M in June 1999, he became one of the top KLA officials in the operative zone of Lab, the commander of the 153rd brigade, which was active in the Golaka region and along the Priština – Leskovac route, i.e., in the villages of Kačikol, Graštica, Kolić and others. He maintained extremely close contacts with Sejdi Veseli and Rustem Mustafa, aka “Remi”, the then commander of the Lab operative zone. On August 31, 1999, in the village of Zebnica, the members of the group commanded by Shehu murdered Dragan Perić, from Gračanica, Siniša Marković, from Badovac, and Jovanović N., from Sušica. Also, this group kidnapped Milorad Popović and was responsible for the kidnapping of Slaviša Stević, from Badovci, and Predrag Mikić, aka “Prota”, from Sušica. After the Kumanovo agreement was signed, KLA general staff in the Lab operative zone, where Shehu was located, made a decision on forming illegal terrorist groups, in charge of ethnic cleansing in the region of the Podujevo and Priština municipalities. At the beginning of December 2000, Shehu returned to Albania, where he continued with his activities within FNUA and ANA, as its military wing.

154. ELBASAN SHOSHAJ
Born on December 12th, 1963, in the village of Leskovac, Municipality of Priština. He was the KLA commander for the villages of Poslište, Biluša and Ljeskovac in 1998. He personally took part in a number of assassination of the non-Albanian population, together with Gjimshit Krasniqi and Besim Shala. They received written and oral commands for the assassination of the Serb population from the so-called court martial, headed by Sokol Dobruna, from Djakovica, and Ilaz Kadolli, from Suva Reka While he was carrying out his tasks of the deputy head of the counterintelligence service, and following the orders of his superior, Skender Berisha, he committed a few assassinations and exiled a number of Serbs and other non-Albanian citizens, and kidnapped and harassed the members of the Serbian Ministry of Internal Affairs. He is a participant of the massacre committed on January 11, 2000, of the Skenderi family in the Prizren’s district of Tusus.

155. BEKIM (Vesel) SHUTI, alias “Niku”
Born on May 1st, 1976, in the village of Osljani, Municipality of Vučitrn. He was the commander of the special KLA unit in the operative zone of Shala. at the beginning of May 1999, this unit, numbering 40 trained members, kidnapped Ljubomir Knežević, from Vučitrn, the correspondent of the dailies “Politika” and “Jedinstvo” from the said city. Knežević was taken to the headquarters situated in the Osljani village, where he was tortured, and subsequently murdered. Also in May 1999, the same group murdered Miroslav Spirić, the driver of the president of the municipal assembly of Vučitrn, and in June of the same year, Shuti personally killed Milorad Avramović, from the village of Osljani. Following the withdrawal of the Serbian security forces, Shuti, with the entire unit, forcefully entered into 40 Serb apartments in the southern part of Kosovska Mitrovica, and when UNMIK police members tried to evict some of the illegal Albanian tenants, he organized the members of his unit to prevent that action, threatening the use of explosives. In 2001, together with Ronald Bartetsky, he took part in the murder of an employee of the Serbian Ministry of Internal Affairs, Aleksandar Petrović, the head of the passports department in the liaison office with UNMIK in Priština. However, for this murder, an attempted murder and terrorism, only a German citizen, married to the sister of Bekim Shuti, was sentenced. For a time, Shuti was engaged as the commander of the KPC guard unit in Priština, and is currently holding one of the top positions in KPC in Kosovska Mitrovica.

156. MET (Sefer) SHUTI
Born on October 3rd, 1944, in the village of Osljani, Municipality of Vučitrn. Until 1989, he was an employee of the Secretariat of National Defense in Vučitrn. Shortly after KLA was formed, he became a member of the general staff for the operative zone of Shala, in charge of training the new members. He took part in kidnapping and murder of Ljubomir Knežević, “Politika” correspondent from Vučitrn and, toward the end of February 1999, in the murder of the brothers Milan and Marko Milošević, in front of their house in the village of Bukoš. He is currently engaged in the general staff of the 4th RTG of KPC in Kosovska Mitrovica, with the rank of lieutenant colonel.

1 Although the Albanian population of the municipality of Medveđa is not a majority, the Albanian extremists treat it as a part of the unitary ethnic area.
2 A terrorist organization founded in late 1999 which intensified armed activities in Macedonia, K&M and in the south of Serbia in 2002.
3 Thus, for example, the Gecaj, Kodra, Jashari and Selimi families dominate in Drenica, so that the largest
number of KLA members in the region are the members of the said families.
4 Most members of the party are former members and supporters of KLA. It has been led, from the beginning, by Hashim Thaqi. It was founded on October 14th 1999 under the name of Party of Democratic Progress of Kosovo and was renamed on May 20th 2000 before the local elections in K&M.
5 Founded on May 2nd 2000 in order to satisfy political ambitions of Ramush Haradinaj, one of the main
commanders of KLA.
6 “Whenever we arrest a gang leader, he wraps himself up into an Albanian flag and the streets become flooded with demonstrations. This is not a society affected by organized crime, but a society founded on organized crime,” said Fletcher.
7 This paramilitary formation was set up with the intention of representing the core of independent armed
forces of independent Kosovo.
8 The intelligence suggests that Xhavit Haliti, the current vice-president of the Kosovo Governments, one of KLA founders and key person in developments of its logistics was the murder organizer. Supporters of Ibrhim Rugova and Haliti are considered responsible for the murder of Tahir Zemaj, another AFRK commander, who was shot in early January 2003.

9 In comparison with all other political parties in K&M, NKM is the only one with the so-called political
continuity, since it has grown out of the former leftist illegal organizations such as the Red Popular Front and Popular Front for the Republic of Kosovo, founded during the seventies and eighties. PMKL, however, was founded in 1993, as an illegal organization with the programmed objective to “fight against Serbian intruders”. Now, both NKM and PMKL are legal parties with representatives in the Kosovo Parliament although they have never renounced their political radicalism, i.e., the support to the establishment of Greater Albania using all available methods and means.
10 It was possible to “buy out” membership in KLA units by paying two to five thousand German marks to the local KLA commander, allegedly for the needs of the organization, although substantial part of these resources ended up in private pockets.
11 On March 24th 1999 The Times published an article entitled “Drug Money related to Kosovo Rebels” by its correspondents from Bohn, Roger Boyes, and Eske Wright.
12 The formation was set up by the UN mission for K&M as “a service agency for emergency interventions”. To fill the positions of 3,052 active duty and 2,000 reserve duty troops, 17,348 former KLA members and 2,923 civilians applied.
13 The Albanian leadership at the time tried to prejudice the role of KPC with the introduction of the adjective mbrojtje with twofold meaning: protective and defensive, which is the reason why the international representatives insist on the English term (Kosovo Protection Corps), which is not equivocal. to be trained and advanced professionally , has made it possible for the KPC to provide, through training and instructions, direct participation in the actions, personnel and logistic support to subsequently developed Albanian terrorist and already existing criminal organizations.
14 “The Halifax Herald Limited” of June 2nd 2003, by Scott Taylor.
15 In late January 2001, Bujanovac Internal Affairs Department pressed criminal charges for robbery and
armed robbery against Lirim Jakupi, aka “Nazi”, a member of LAPMV for Bujanovac, for his violent behavior, robbery and blackmail of his well-off compatriots.

16 Among them also Shaqir Shaqiri, originally from Oraovica, near Preševo, who was at the time the deputy commander of the 6th regional KPC territorial group, while Junuz Musliu of Bujanovac was the logistics officer in the same zone. NLA activities in western Macedonia were organized by Daut Haradinaj who was the commander of the 3rd regional KPC territorial group in 2001.
17 Some high ranking officials of the Democratic Party of Albanians in Macedonia are among the participants in this chain.
18 In the heat of armed conflicts in the region of Bujanovac, from February through March 2001, Lirim
Jakupi procured modern arms (automatic rifles, machine guns, anti-tank RPGs, so-called “nitroglycerin
cannons” etc. ) from Nuredin Lushtaku, commander of the 114th brigade (within the 2nd regional KPC
territorial group) for this organization.
19 Transport of arms via K&M territory to the FYRepublic of Macedonia was organized by Mustafa Shaqiri, aka commander Schpetim, who was the deputy commander of the General Staff.
20 The leadership consists of the same strategists of terrorist activities as those of LAPMB.
21 The same scenario and similar effects were seen in FYROM where, after demilitarization of NLA, the
Ilirida Liberation Army was founded.
22 In the meantime, Rustem Mustafa was arrested by KFOR and by the decision of the International Panel of Judges of the Priština District Court sentenced to 17 years of imprisonment for the war crimes perpetrated in the region of Priština and Podujevo.

23 At the time of its foundation, the FNUA was called National Committee for the Liberation of Occupied
Territories (NCLOT). The name was changed in mid July 2002. ANS and ANF were founded in early 2003.
24 Isuf Sulaj, Hekuran Aslani, Idriz Smotaha, Spiro Butka and Genc Sefa who used to be high ranking officers in KLA are now top leaders of ANA.
25 Estimates of the number of ANA troops by various analyses range from several dozens to 2-3 thousand armed terrorists.
26 According to some estimates, almost complete reserve forces of KPC, some 2,000 troops, are included in ANA.

27 In mid 2003 the western media reported that, from June 1999, most terrorist attacks were those of the
Albanian extremists against the Serbs and members of other ethnic minorities. This has resulted in the
expulsion of almost 240,000 people from K&M, while the representatives of the minorities who had remained in the Province were grouped and isolated in their enclaves.
28 KLA had DM 1.2 million at its disposal for the liquidations of DPK activists, RK Government and AFRKcommanders. The “Eagles” group, with direct access to the Executive Command, was in charge of these activities. In addition to Ahmet Isufi and Tahir Zemaj, who headed AFRK, Enver Maloku, the head of DPK Information Center in Priština, Fehmi Agani, the DPK vice-president, Xhemail Mustafa, Information adviser to Ibrahim Rugova, Besim Dujaku, a member of Rugova‘s security service, Sali Çekaj the chairman of DPK German branch and a lot of other outstanding members in small towns were also killed.
29 In 2000, “International Police Review” published an article about the connection between organized
crime and KLA in which it was stated that the members of KLA did not smuggle drugs, but were financially dependent on the people who did, which “provided the criminals with an opportunity to influence an army of 30,000 armed troops who are in control of the postwar Kosovo”.
30 The funding of terrorist activities is also conducted through the Kosovo Fund (until 1999 known as the
Fund of the Government of the Republic of Kosovo), located in Germany. The money for the fund was
collected by a regular, often enforced 3% taxation imposed on the income of the Albanians working in West European countries and also by voluntary donations.
31 These data are revealed in the Council of Europe report on the situation in K&M, for the January to April 2000 period. The same statements have been made by Max Edelbacher, the chief of the Security Bureau from Vienna, after his visit to K&M in April 2000.
32 On April 30th 2000, the Scottish paper “Sunday Herald”, in an article headlined “Kosovo – where the
police does not rule”, cited an unidentified member of the military intelligence service from the Bondsteel
base, who said that “the crime rate in Kosovo is the same as that in Los Angeles”. The author of the article
stated that this was an incredible fact because the population of K&M, numbering 2 million, is spread over the territory which is half the size of Scotland.
33 In their report for 2000, the representatives of the Council of Europe have voiced their concern over the
links between the former KLA and the KPS, that is, over the fact that KPS is hiring former policemen of
Albanian nationality who are generally believed to be corrupt.
34 Some clans were obliged to pay the terrorist organization ANA monthly payments amounting to Euro
100,000 for “protection”.
35 He was arrested by the multinational forces and received a long-term prison sentence. This provoked a
wave of protests by the former members of KLA.
36 Some of the Musaj family members from the village of Streoce, in the Deèani municipality, were also
members of AFRK.
37 The drug trafficking centers in Macedonia are Gostivar, Kumanovo and Skopje, where the local narcomafia rented a whole floor at the Grand Hotel and made it its headquarters.
38 The opinion of the UN intelligence office in Priština is that arms trade is as big threat to European security as is the heroin trade.
39 Beside the listed criminal activities, in K&M there is also a developed illegal trade in oil derivatives.
According to the Priština paper “Koha Ditore”, which is printed in Albanian, some 100 tons of petrol are
smuggled from Montenegro to K&M.
40 Using this route, the journey from the country of origin to the end-user takes 7 to 10 days.
41 The Interpol data show that more than one ton of heroin and more than 10 tones of hashish are being seized every year on the southern and northern Balkan routes.
42 In Germany, for example, the Albanians have completely ousted the Turkish and the Kurdish drug dealers. In Slovakia and Hungary they control 90% of the drug trade, in Switzerland 70%, in Denmark 50%, and in France 40% of the market. There has been a growth in the shipments of narcotics to Albanian criminals in Greece, which are, as reported by the Greek police, six times larger than five years ago.

43 The “Atlantic” brigade was formed within KLA of the volunteers from the USA.
44 The information published in the “National Post” on April 13th 2000 where the author cited the Interpol
Report.
45 The statement that Albanians from K&M exchange drugs for arms was substantiated in numerous affairs. In 1999 the Italian Court in Brindisi convicted an Albanian heroin dealer who confessed to having procured arms for KLA from the mafia in exchange for the drugs. Besides, an Albanian in the Czech Republic placed an order for light infantry weapons and rocket launchers. According to the sources in the Czech Police, the arms were intended for KLA.

46 The criminal bosses from the ranks of K&M Albanians provided false Yugoslav passports for some of Albanian nationals, in order to make it possible for them to seek asylum as political refugees from immigration authorities in some Western European countries.
47 Migrations are not only the source of income, they also play an important role in the establishment of
networks in foreign countries, i.e. providing bridges with Albanian mafia abroad.

48 According to the Interpol sources, the data refer to about 38,000 pistols, 226,000 “Kalashnikovs” (machine guns), 25,000 automatic rifles, 2,400 anti-tank rocket launchers, 3,500,000 hand grenades, 3,600 tons of explosives. Although organized crime groups were not, probably, controlling the situation, Interpol experts have reasonable grounds to assume that they have profited greatly from this chaos, by acquiring large amounts of weapons. In their opinion, before the breakdown of the financial pyramids, the sum of about USD 500– 600 million was transferred to the accounts of Italian criminal organizations and their Albanian partners. Subsequently, the funds were re-invested in western countries.
49 Suggesting the importance of the fight against organized crime in Albanian, in June 2002, Joseph
Limprecht, American Ambassador to Tirana, gave a statement to Radio Free Europe highlighting the necessity for closing down the channels for trafficking in drugs, arms, women and children, since they could be used by the terrorists.
50 At one time, all assets collected from the Albanian diaspora for the Tetovo University were re-directed
to cover the needs of armed actions of the terrorists of NLA. French analysts believe that these funds also
originate from drug trafficking.
51 A certain share of the fund was used for sponsoring parallel Albanian educational and medical services
organized in order to boycott completely the operation of the official state organizations in K&M.
52 In the year 2000, it was estimated that the Albanian diaspora had the following distribution: 500,000 in
Canada and the USA, 500,000 in Greece, 400,000 in Germany, 200,000 in Switzerland, 65,000 in Turkey,
40,000 in Sweden, 30,000 in Great Britain, 25,000 in Belgium, 20,000 in France.
53 On June 22nd 2001, referring to the statements of the leading representatives of the Macedonian Security Forces, the Washington Times published an article entitled “Bin Laden‘s Special Envoys” claiming that Osama Bin Laden was one of the major NLA sponsors, and that up to that periods he had disbursed USD 6-7 million for the needs of this organization.
54 Sunday Times, November 29th 1998.
55 A presentation before the USA Congress of Ralf Mutschke, the assistant director of Interpol Criminal
intelligence Administration on December 13th 2000. The topic was: The risk of spreading of organized crime, drug trafficking and terrorism.
56 Abdulah Duhajman of Saudi Arabia is the founder and head of the (Islamic Balkan Center) in Zenica.
The Center was founded after the nongovernmental organization named “World Bureau for Islamic Call”
with the seat in Riyadh, sponsored by rich businessmen of Saudi Arabia. Activities of the “World Bureau
for Islamic Call”, also founded by the same Abdulah Duhajman, are directed at the propaganda and jihad
and the mobilization of Moslems for the jihad. In the course of armed conflicts in B&H, Duhajman was
actively participating in the battles within the unit called “El-Mujahid”. He is in touch with an Islamic terrorist organization named “Muslim Brothers”, and there are some indications of his collaboration with Osama Bin Laden (some, unconfirmed information suggest that Abdulah Duhajman may be an alias for Osama Bin Laden himself).
57 The “Abu Bekir Sidik” unit had automatic rifles of Yugoslav, Chinese and Russian manufacture; they also had weapons with sniper scopes, as well as 40mm grenade launchers, RPGs, light and heavy machine guns, hand grenades and other weapons.
58 The British Sunday Times cited Albanian intelligence sources stating that the Bin Laden‘s network was set up in Albania to make it possible for them to undertake actions in Europe. The service also estimates that some terrorists have already infiltrated selected European countries using illegal migration channels.

Analysts also suggest that the region is important for Bin Laden and his followers because of the possibility
to establish control over the oil pipelines that will link Bulgaria with Albanian ports. In this way, it would be possible for Bin Laden to control oil deliveries to the USA.
59 Early in 2001, the international nongovernmental organization “Amnesty International” announced that in one of KFOR actions two Iraqi nationals, Ahmad Said and Abdul Ragiz, were arrested, on suspicion of being connected with international terrorist network of Al-Khaida They were representatives of the humanitarian organization known as “Global Relief Foundation”. Speaking about this, George Robertson, Secretary General of NATO, said that “the infiltration of Islamic terrorism is usually carried out through Islamic humanitarian organizations”.
60 This is a newly founded, illegal organization where even the name itself suggests terrorist activities.
61 In March 2000, BBC reported that KFOR had searched the premises and offices of “Islamic relief”, since American officials informed them that the organization might be linked with Bin Laden. The organization decisively rejected such accusations.


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THE UNDERBELLY OF MUMBAI

Organised crime is not confined to the boundaries of any one country and has become a transnational problem. Organised criminal activity has existed in different forms since ancient times, but contemporary patterns of organised crime are infinitely more complex than they have been at any point of time in history. This paper places the specific case of organised crime in the city of Mumbai within the context of transnational trends in criminal activity. It first examines the larger international discourse on organised crime, clarifying concepts and outlining the nature and magnitude of various component phenomena across the globe. The paper then passes on to an assessment of trends in the operation of gangs and organised crime in Mumbai, the socio-demographic profile, ethnic background, religion and international dynamics of gangsters in the city and the international dynamics of gangsterism, contract killing, etc. Some combative strategies adopted to deal with organised crime in the city are also dealt with.

I. Organised Crime: Conceptual Framework

Contemporary technologies and the emerging world order have undermined the conventional parameters of state sovereignty and the inviolability of national boundaries. The communications and information revolution, and expanding processes of interaction, transportation and transaction have dramatically enhanced accessibility across borders, creating increasing levels of information and unprecedented opportunities for both good and evil. Patterns of ‘development’ have also contributed to a plethora of problems in terms of population explosion, competition for survival and scarce resources, and the struggle for existence. There are pathological outcomes of such processes of development, including poverty, unemployment, deviance (as an expression against normative means of livelihood) or crime (as a severe form of such deviance). It is in this context that organised crime has established itself as one of the most serious and violent manifestations of the modem criminal world.1

Organised crime as a concept is, to some extent, synonymous with certain historical organisations, such as the mafia, camorra,2 etc. It has, however, a broader and encompassing definitional connotation in terms of its nature, pattern and functional criteria. According to the Kefauver Committee (195l),3 organised crime could be a network of criminal syndicates fundamentally based on ‘muscle’ and ‘murder’ indiscriminately used in running criminal enterprises.4

Definition

The US Task Force Report of 1967 described organised crime as “a society that seeks to operate outside the control of the American people and their government. It involves thousands of criminals working within structures as complex as those of any large corporation, subject to laws more tightly enforced than those of legitimate governments. Its actions are not impulsive but the result of intricate conspiracies, carried on over whole fields of activity in order to amass huge profits.”5

The legal statute that is used to define organised crime has enormous significance. The Penal Statues of several countries have criminalised organised crime, while others have used alternatives concepts and legislative devices to tackle the problem. For example, the Italian Penal Code does not specify what organised crime is, but it does define ‘criminal association.’ According to Article 416 of the Italian Penal Code, “when three or more persons associate for the purpose of committing more than one crime, whoever promotes or constitutes or organises the associations shall be punished, for that alone with imprisonment from 3 to 7 years.”6

In 1968, the US Congress enacted the Omnibus Crime Control and Safe Street Act, that stated “organised crime includes the unlawful activities of the members of a highly organised, disciplined association, engaged in supplying illegal goods and services, including but not limited to gambling, prostitution, loan sharking, narcotics, labour racketeering and other unlawful activities of such association.”7 Here, the choice of certain words to conceptualise organised crime within legal, the definition accommodates a wide range of diversities so that the exemption from the legal statute would not be applicable through the limitation of legal definition.

Organised crime has also been defined in a number of narrower legal statutes. For example, the US RICO (Racketeer Influence and Corrupt Organisation) Act, 1970, states that racketeering is an act of threat involving murder, kidnapping, gambling, arson, robbery, burglary, extortion or dealing in narcotics or dangerous drugs and other denominated crime.8 A pattern of racketeering activity requires at least two acts of designated offences.

Japan has a special law on the prevention of irregularities by gangsters. It is meant to exercise necessary control on acts of intimidation and violence carried out by gangsters, to protect the activities of civic public organisations and to prevent danger to the life of citizens from gangland war. Article 2 of the aforesaid law defines a gang as “any organisation likely to help its members including members of affiliated organisations of the said organisation to collectively and habitually commit illegal acts of violence.”9

Interpol defines organised crime as “any enterprise or group of persons engaged in continuing illegal activity which has its primary activities that bring together a client-public relationship which demands a range of goods and services which are illegal.”10

However, while defining several attributes of such organised syndicates, few more conceptual clarifications need to be made. For example, John Dellow, Assistant Commissioner, Metropolitan Police, London, ascribes the following three basic features to organised crime:

Organised crime can involve any group of individuals that is structured, sophisticated and widely spread across nations.
It is a section of society that seeks to operate outside control of the people and their government.
It is a self-perpetuating, continuing criminal conspiracy for profit and power, using fear and corruption and seeking protection from law.11
Elaborating on the nature and extent of organised crime, M.N. Singh, Commissioner of Mumbai Police, stated, “organised crime is a planned commission of criminal offences inspired by the pursuit of profit and power. It is also a resisting form of criminal activity that brings together a client-public relationship which demands a range of goods and services which are illegal.”12

The Maharashtra Control of Organised Crime (MCOC) Act of 1999 defines organised crime as any continuing unlawful activity by an individual, singly or jointly, either as member of an organised crime syndicate or on behalf of such syndicate by use of violence or threat of violence or intimidation or coercion, or other unlawful means with the objective of gaining primary benefits or gaining undue economic or other advantage for himself or any other person promoting insurgency.13

Within such a wide range of definitions of organised crime under various penal statutes of several nations, some of the attributes/indicators that are common and integral to the structure of organised crime can be derived to clarify the essential contours of the phenomenon:

Continuity: The criminal group operates beyond the lifetime of individual members and is structured to survive changes in leadership.

Structure: The criminal group is structured as a collection of hierarchically arranged interdependent offices devoted to the accomplishment of a particular function. It may be highly structured or may be rather fluid. It is, however, distinguishable as the ranks are based on power and authority.

Membership: The membership of the core criminal group is restricted and based on common traits such as ethnicity, criminal background or common interests. Potential members are subjected to immense scrutiny and are required to prove their worth and loyalty to the criminal group. Rules of membership include secrecy, a willingness to commit any act for the group and intent to protect the group. In return for loyalty, the member receives economic benefits, certain prestige and protection from law enforcement agencies.

Criminality: The criminal group relies on continuing criminal activity to generate income. Thus, continuing criminal conspiracy is inherent in organised crime. Some activities such as supplying illegal goods and services directly produce revenue while others including murder, intimidation and burglary contribute to the group’s ability to earn money and enhance its power. The criminal group may be involved both in legitimate as well as illegitimate business activity at the same time.

Violence: Violence in society is often manifest without any perceptible reason. This violence may be manifested in social gatherings such as marriage parties, etc., and may include damage to property or assault on persons or reckless acts such as firing in the air or driving at high speed in crowded places, etc. The intent, here, is to over-awe and establish an atmosphere of fear in the larger community.

Intimidation: Intimidation may be direct and overt, or covert, and may be intended to secure co-operation in the commission of certain unlawful acts, or omission on the performance of some lawful functions. People are threatened to stay away from lawful deals relating to sale or purchase of property, and government officials are threatened in order to secure certain ends through their intervention or coerced oversight. Intimidation is often also exercised to secure compromises or settlements in inter- and intra-gang disputes.

Public Disorder: This includes display of power by gangs. At times, disorder is purposely created on otherwise orderly social occasions. Functions organised by rivals are disturbed. The public at large is harassed with impunity and without any consideration or regard to legal sanctions.

Monopolising certain trade: When criminal gangs are involved in legitimate activities, they try to establish monopolies through muscle power. For example: rail contracts in important railway centres, labour contracts in industrial towns and transport contracts in areas of high trading activity.

Corruption: Corruption is a significant indicator of the existence of organised crime. It is one of the important instruments used by criminal gangs. Subversion of enforcement officials is an important indicator of the effectiveness of organised criminal activity. Corruption at higher levels immensely encourages and strengthens criminal syndicates.

Protectors: They are corrupt public officials, attorneys and businessmen who individually or collectively protect the criminal group through abuses of status and/or privilege, collusion and violation of the law. As a result of the protectors’ efforts, the criminal group is insulated from both civil and criminal government actions. Corruption is the central tool of the criminal protectors. A criminal group relies on a network of corrupt officials to protect the group from the criminal justice system.

Organised Crime Support

Specialist Support: Organised criminal groups and their protectors rely on skilled individuals or support to assist the criminal groups on an ad hoc basis. Such specialists include pilots, chemists, lawyers, arsonists, hijackers, shooters, etc.
Social Support: Social support includes public officials who solicit the support of organised crime figures and business leaders who do business with organised crime syndicates, and interact with them at social gatherings, thus portraying the criminal group in a favourable or glamorous light.
A majority of countries are now confronted by the challenge of transnational organised crime,14 and the major patterns of organised crime variously documented in recent years include:15

Illicit Drug Trafficking;
Alien Smuggling;
Money Laundering;
Financial Fraud;
Counterfeiting;
Illegal Arms Trafficking;
International Car Theft Rings; and
Prostitution.
Organised Crime in India: A Case Study of Mumbai
Criminal gangs have been operating in India since ancient times. The operation of ‘thugs’ during the British period is well documented.16 Another popular criminal grouping includes the dacoits of the Chambal region till recent times. Several such gangs used to operate in the States of Madhya Pradesh and Uttar Pradesh, and were neutralised as a result of police action and the social reform movement.17

Organised crime in contemporary India is a more complex issue. In the modem urban world, the gap between aspiration and fulfilment is widening. In India, the typical socio-political circumstances prevailing since Independence and the advent of democracy provide the logical context of the strengthening of these trends. The fact that the Constitution of India aimed at achieving socio-economic equality in a popular, nebulous and pluralistic democracy has generated processes favouring the creation of greater political legitimacy for various patterns of deviance and crime. An upsurge in economic crimes includes a variety of financial scams, tax evasion and money laundering.

The year 1991 was a watershed in India’s economic resurgence. Liberalisation and globalisation of the economy allowed a free flow of foreign goods and capital into the country, and the dramatic growth in computerisation and e-business that followed have led to the emergence of cyber-crime.18

All schemes introduced to boost the country’s foreign exchange reserves are open to manipulation. This is best illustrated by the Value Based Advance License (VABAL) scheme, where up to 60 per cent of the value of exports was allowed at zero import duty and with no income tax on the foreign exchange earning. This led to the hawala (illegal money transfer system) racket, where unscrupulous exporters started obtaining export license on the strength of bogus export orders, and made huge profit by arranging foreign remittances through hawala channels. M.N. Singh estimates that total hawala transactions in the country stood at Rs. 305 billion a year in 1994.19 This currency flight continues to be a lucrative underworld operation. The Mumbai bomb blast-case accused,20 such as Tiger Memon and Moolchand Shah alias Choksi, channelised their illegal earnings through this hawala route, which they also used to fund their bombing operations.21

Various legislative initiatives have also given rise to other patterns of organised crime. In keeping with the spirit of the Directive Principles of the State Policy enshrined in the Constitution, many laws were enacted to remove social inequalities and evils, and to reduce economic disparities. Restrictions imposed on the consumption of alcohol gave rise to bootlegging activities in the States of Maharashtra and Gujarat. The Prohibition Law of 1949 in Mumbai gave rise to a lucrative clandestine trade in illicit liquor. In a city like Mumbai, where the price of alcohol is understandably high, bootlegging become a thriving business in the black-market and this was followed by the evolution of the popular illegal gambling system called Matka.

As the financial capital of India, Mumbai has long been the playground of several criminal gangs and their continuing warfare for dominance. The first systematic study of organised crime was conducted by V.K. Saraf, Commissioner of Police (Retd), Mumbai City, 1995, in which he traced the origin of organised criminal gangs in the city, their criminal activities and the inter-gang warfare. He also highlighted the main characteristics of the Mumbai gangs.

After Independence, due to the prohibition policy adopted by the Government of Maharashtra, bootlegging or trade in illicit liquor became a lucrative business for criminal gangs. They made considerable sums of money by supplying illicit liquor to the local citizenry. Their activities also extended to the neighbouring State of Gujarat, which was declared ‘dry’ at the time of Independence and continues to be so till date. Varadarajan Mudaliar, who started as a porter at the Victoria Terminus (VT) Railway station, took to committing theft at the Mumbai Docks and later graduated to bootlegging in the nineteen sixties. He acquired considerable wealth through such activities and also subverted the law enforcement system considerably. In the mid nineteen eighties, he became so influential that he used to hold durbars (conclaves) in his area of influence to settle disputes.

Similarly, Haji Mastan and Yusuf Patel began as small-scale criminals and later took to smuggling gold and silver. They made a lot of money and invested it in ‘legitimate’ business ventures, primarily construction and real estate. Haji Mastan made an attempt on Yusuf Patel’s life in the nineteen seventies due to business rivalry but the latter survived. This was the beginning of the gang warfare in Mumbai, which continues unabated to date and has claimed hundreds of lives.

Another major gang to emerge in Mumbai was that of Varadarajan Mudaliar in the nineteen seventies on the basis of bootlegging and Matka operations. In later years, he diversified his illegal activities into smuggling, dock thefts and contract killing, ruling the city’s underground for over a decade till the mid-nineteen eighties.22

Another example was Abdul Latif, the Mafia don of Ahmedabad in the State of Gujarat. He also started his career as a small time bootlegger and went on to monopolise the entire illicit liquor business in the State. In 1985, he aligned with notorious Pathan gangster Alamzeb of Mumbai to put down his rival Pappu Khan. His influence and power in the city of Ahmedabad increased so much that he was even elected as a corporator from five different municipal wards while still in jail (he was arrested in the year 1985 for the murder of a police officer) during the 1987 elections. Later, he linked up with the Dawood Ibrahim gang and killed Alamzeb. In January 1993, he received a consignment of 57 AK-56 rifles and 15,000 rounds of ammunition from Dawood Ibrahim for use during the post-Ayodhya riots. Abdul Latif, a mere bootlegger thus turned out to be a dangerous gangster-cum-terrorist-cum-politician in due course of time and became a major headache for the Gujarat Police, until he was nabbed at Dariyagunj in New Delhi on October 10, 1995, and was killed in a police encounter subsequently. His area of operation extended across the States of Gujarat, Rajasthan, Madhya Pradesh and Maharashtra.23

The Dawood Ibrahim Gang24

Dawood Ibrahim is the most powerful Mumbai Mafia ‘don’, with a countrywide network and extensive linkages abroad. He is one of the most powerful gangsters involved in transnational crimes, including narcotics smuggling, extortion and contract killing. He has lived in Dubai and is currently based in Pakistan. He had a phenomenal rise within a short time. The son of Ibrahim Kaskar, a former Criminal Investigation Department (CID) constable,25 he started off as a petty criminal and had the sympathies of Bombay (now Mumbai) Police due to his father’s connections. He used to assist smugglers to recover money from those who did not keep up their ‘word’. In the nineteen seventies, other gangs had become relatively weak and he took advantage of the vacuum, taking up smuggling of gold and silver. He built up his criminal empire with the help of his brothers and close associates, and was responsible for the elimination of hundreds of criminals belonging to rival gangs. The liberal bail policy pronounced by the Supreme Court helped him consolidate his gang. In the nineteen eighties, he became the most feared gangster of Mumbai. However, fearing for his life at the hands of rival gangs, he fled to Dubai, though his criminal network remained virtually intact. He currently controls his gang’s operations with complete impunity, as there is no extradition treaty between India and Dubai or Pakistan, and authorities in these countries have refused to extradite him – and, indeed, deny his presence on their soil despite overwhelming evidence. He also attempted to win social respectability by playing host to many influential politicians and film stars in Dubai.

Dawood’s brother Anees Ibrahim looks after the smuggling, narcotics trafficking and contract killing operations. Another key associate, Noora, looks after film financing and extortion from film personalities. Iqbal, a low profile operative, looks after his ‘legitimate’ business activities, including trading in the share markets of Hong Kong and jewellery and gold businesses. His gang consists of about 4,000 to 5,000 men. Fifty per cent of the Dawood gang members hail from Mumbai and the neighbouring districts and 25 per cent, including Abu Salem, his close lieutenant, hail from the State of Uttar Pradesh.

Due to changes in fiscal policies, the smuggling of gold and silver has become less lucrative. Currently, the primary activities of this gang are extortion, contract killing, film financing, drug trafficking, smuggling computer parts and illicit trade in arms and ammunition. The Dawood gang has been supplying arms both to criminals and terrorists.

Dawood Ibrahim has also invested heavily in ‘legitimate’ business ventures. His brother Anees owns a trading company in Dubai and Dawood has invested approximately Rs. 20 crores in the Diwan Shopping Centre in Mumbai and is also reported to have financial stakes in the Diamond Rock Hotel in Mumbai. Noora runs the Suhail Travel agency in Mumbai, which has since come under severe enforcement pressure. Dawood also reportedly has huge financial stakes in East West Airlines. His ‘legitimate’ business empire is estimated to have a turn over of approximately Rs.2,000 crores a year.

Dawood’s gang was secular in character before the year 1993 and used to attract ‘volunteers’ from both the Hindu and Muslim communities. However, after his involvement in the serial blasts in 1993, most of the Hindu gangsters have parted company from him. Sunil Samant, a dreaded gangster who continued to be loyal to him, was killed in Dubai in year 1995 by the Chota Rajan gang. Apart from his brothers, who are his chief counsellors, he continued to run his empire through Abu Salem26 and Chota Shakeel.

The Chhota Shakeel gang initially used to be a wing of Dawood Ibrahim’s ‘D Company’. Currently operating as an independent gang, though not in dispute with the Dawood gang, it is active in the south, central and north-west areas of Mumbai.

Arun Gawli Gang

After the death of Ramya Naik, the mantel of leadership of his gang fell on the shoulders of Arun Gawli. There have been several inter-gang killings against the Dawood gang, and they have also targeted each other’s political and economic interests. This gang consists of about 2000 to 3000 persons. Interestingly, Arun Gawli was sent to prison in 1990 and even though he was granted bail by the Courts, he chose to remain in jail primarily to escape the wrath of the Dawood gang. He continued to run his criminal empire from within the jail premises by passing instructions through his visitors. His gang is involved in the collection of protection money from rich businessmen and also contract killings. He came out of prison and started a political party, the Akhil Bhartiya Sena. He has been sent back to jail for his alleged involvement in a contract killing case. Arun Gawli is politically very active and has considerable influence in the slum areas of Mumbai. He even posed a significant political challenge to the dominant Shiv Sena party in the State of Maharashtra.

Amar Naik Gang

This gang originated in the year 1980 and commenced with the collection of protection money from various vegetable vendors in the Dadar area of Mumbai city. When Ram Bhat, the leader of this gang was sentenced to imprisonment in a robbery case, Amar Naik took over the reigns. The main thrust of his criminal activities was to collect hafta (extortion money) from vegetable vendors, hawkers, bootleggers and smugglers. Due to a clash of interests, his gang had several violent skirmishes with the Arun Gawli gang, not only outside jail but even within the jail premises, where members of both the gangs were lodged, resulting in several killings. This gang has a strength of about 200 criminals. Amar Naik was killed on August 9, 1996, and the mantle of leadership has now fallen on the shoulders of Ashwin Naik, his younger brother, an engineer by profession.

Chota Rajan Gang

Chota Rajan commenced his criminal career with the Dawood Ibrahim gang. Hailing from Mumbai’s eastern suburb of Chembur, he started out with extortion rackets centred on the Sahyadri Krida Mandal, which organises the annual Ganesh festival at Tilak Nagar.27 Subsequent to the 1993 serial blasts in Mumbai, Dawood’s gang was divided on communal lines and Chota Rajan fell out with Dawood and fled from India. He raised a new gang in 1994-95. According to an estimate, the membership of this gang numbers about 800. His areas of operation are in the States of Maharashtra, Karnataka, Uttar Pradesh and Delhi. He is essentially a drug-trafficker and contract killer. He joined hands with Arun Gawli and was responsible for the killing of Sunil Samant, a trusted lieutenant of Dawood Ibrahim, in Dubai in 1995. It was a retaliatory killing. He has targeted many Dawood loyalists and his gang has also suffered in retaliatory actions. Chota Rajan is presently operating from South East Asia.

Characteristics of Mumbai Gangs

Based on the study of the Mumbai underworld, V.K. Saraf developed the following profile of membership and activities:28

66.5 per cent of gangsters in his sample were in the age group of 19-28 years; 26 per cent in the 29 to 38 years category; and 6.5 per cent were above 40 years.
29 per cent studied up to primary school, 42.5 per cent up to secondary school and 5 per cent had college education.
A majority were drawn from a poor economic background and were propelled into the world of crime due to economic difficulties.
A majority of the gangsters hailed from outside Mumbai and approximately 30 per cent came from outside the State of Maharashtra.
The gangs were not based on region or religion, but after the 1993 serial blasts, Hindu gangsters have largely disassociated themselves from the Dawood Ibrahim gang.
A typical Mumbai gangster is a cool-headed schemer and ruthless and un-hesitatingly employs terrorist tactics when he perceives his interest is being jeopardised. He is prone to violence at the slightest provocation.
There is no initiation ceremony or ritual for the members. However, a ‘hopeful’ is involved in a criminal situation to test his mental capacity.
The gang leaders have a caring attitude towards the members. The families are well looked after by the leadership when the members are killed or are in jail.
A gang leader is not a total autocrat. He consults experienced people in the gang. After the death of Sunil Samant, Dawood Ibrahim relied on his brothers and his decisions were/are executed through Abu Salem and Chota Shakeel.
There is evidence of a loose confederation of gangsters. A smaller gang may merge into a bigger gang but does not lose its identity completely. The smaller gang carries out the decisions of the main gang but is left free to involve itself in any activities of its choice so long as it does not clash with the interests of the main gang.
The gangsters are required to display unflinching loyalty to the boss. Lack of loyalty means death.
The gangsters are divided into three categories, namely, sharp shooters, money collectors and liaison agents. The liaison agents deal with lawyers and law enforcement officials and assist in legal problems relating to incarcerated gangsters. Each gang has a certain number of auxiliary members. They have a history of being involved in criminal activity and generally provide shelter to the gangsters and act as a repository for weapons. Their premises are used for holding meetings and making telephone calls by the gangsters.

Nature and Extent of Crime in India

Before we further analyse the issue of organised crime, it would be necessary to delineate the present nature and extent of crime in India.

According to the Crime in India report for the year 1998, the total number of incidents of crime reported in the country was 6,180,996, wherein 1.779 million cases were reported under the Indian Penal Code (IPC), followed by 4,401,855 under the State laws, which showed an overall increase in the incidences of crime over the preceding five years. Table 1 reveals that, over the decades, there is a significant trend especially with regard to violent crime, property crimes and economic offence, with percentage/change in 1991 over 1961 being 341.9 in the case of violent crime. In property crimes, it is 39.33 per cent and in economic offences 83.8 per cent whereas percentage change in 1991 over 1981 in violent crimes and economic crimes are 27.4 and 25.6 per cent respectively. Overall, total cognisable crimes (consisting of three major categories viz. violent, property and economic offence) percentage have changed in 1991 over 1961 (i.e. over three decades to about 168.3 per cent)

The increasing incidence in property crime and economic offences is linked to the widening range of organised networks of crime in India, which are gradually getting more and more complex due to the changing nature and mode of operations in terms of sophisticated weaponry, financial transaction and communication systems. Thus, cheating, a non-violent type of offence (38,173 incidences registered in the year 1998) showed a steep rise of 68.1 per cent over the decade 1988-98. At the other end, a serious kind of organised crime like drug trafficking, under the Narcotic Drug and Psychotropic Substances (NDPS) Act of 1986, also witnessed a rise of 36.8 per cent in the decade of 1988-98. Similarly, under the Explosive and Explosive Substances Act, there is an increase of 31.7 per cent cases during the decade 1988-98. It is important to mention that in the cases involving arms, drugs, and explosives and explosive substances, Uttar Pradesh has reported the highest number of incidences. It would be interesting to note that the data available from Crime Branch, Mumbai, (up to June 2001) shows that, in Mumbai’s gang land activities, a large number of recruitments are from the State of Uttar Pradesh.

In the Indian context, the focus areas of organised crime are smuggling, drug trafficking, arms trade, hawala, circulation of fake currency notes, extortion and contract killing.

Smuggling

Smuggling, consisting of clandestine operations leading to unrecorded trade, is a major economic offence. The volume of smuggling depends on the nature of fiscal policies pursued by the government. The nature of smuggled items and the quantum thereof is also determined by the prevailing fiscal policies.

India has a vast coastline of approximately 7,500 kms and also open borders with Nepal and Bhutan. The sub-continent is prone to large scale smuggling of contraband and other consumable items. Though it is not possible to quantify the value of contraband goods smuggled into India, it is possible to have some idea of the extent of smuggling from the value of contraband seized, even though this may constitute a very small proportion of the actual volume of smuggling.

The high point of smuggling was in the year 1990, when contraband worth Rs. 7.6 billion was seized. Introduction of various liberalisation measures, such as the revised gold and silver import policies in 1992-93, have had their impact on seizures that declined by 30 per cent (Rs. 5.36 billion in 1992) and subsequently to Rs. 3.89 billion in 1993-94.

In 1987, gold occupied the top position amongst smuggled items, followed by narcotics, electronic watches and silver. In 1995, however, narcotics occupied the number one position followed by gold, electronics, foreign currency and synthetic fabrics.29

Drug Trafficking

It is perhaps the most serious organised crime affecting the country and is truly transnational in character. India is geographically situated between the countries of the Golden Triangle30 and the Golden Crescent,31 and is a transit point to the West for narcotic drugs produced in these regions. India also produces a considerable amount of illicit opium, part of which also finds place in the illicit market in different forms. Illicit drug trade in India centres around five major substances, namely, heroin, hashish, opium, cannabis and amphetamines. Seizures of cocaine, amphetamines and Lysergic Acid Diethylamide (LSD) are not unknown but are insignificant and rare.32

Our borders have traditionally been most vulnerable to drug trafficking. In 1996, out of the total quantity of heroin seized in the country, 64 per cent was traced to the Golden Crescent.33 The Indo-Myanmar border is also quite sensitive but the percentage of seizures is much smaller. The India-Sri Lanka border has also started contributing considerably to the drug trade. The seizure of narcotics from 1991 to 1995, and persons involved, is shown in Table 3.

In 1995, 13,554 persons, including 130 foreign nationals, were arrested under the Narcotic Drugs and Psychotropic Substances Act.

Illegal Arms Trade

Light arms proliferation is a global phenomenon. It has extracted a heavy toll in terms of human lives and socio economic development of entire regions, costs of which can never be adequately computed. In Afghanistan, the death toll due to arms rivalry has crossed the 1,00,000 mark and is still rising, while Cambodia, Sri Lanka and some African states continue to witness conflict-related deaths in their thousands. India has also suffered due to trafficking in illicit arms. The twin phenomena of rising crime combining with armed conflicts and terrorism are directly linked to the global proliferation and movement of weapons.

The Purulia Arms Drop Case is the most glaring example of illicit arms trafficking. On December 17, 1996, an Antonov 26 aircraft dropped over 300 AK 47/56 series rifles and 20,545 rounds of ammunition, Drangnov sniper weapons, rocket launchers and night vision devices in the Purulia village of West Bengal State.34 The aircraft was bought from Latvia for US $ 2 million and chartered by a Hong Kong registered company, Carol Airlines, and payments were made primarily through foreign bank accounts. The aircraft was ferried to Thailand where it was registered. After a dry run over the airdrop area, the aircraft moved to Bulgaria from where the consignment of arms was picked up using an end-user certificate issued by a foreign country.

According to data reported in Crime in India (1997), the violation of Arms Act showed a steady increase of 38.3 per cent over the decade 1987-97. The highest incidence (51,326), constituting 69.3 per cent of the total cases under the Arms Act, were reported from Uttar Pradesh. The crime rate varied from a minimum of 0.1 per cent in Karnataka and Goa to a maximum of 31.9 per cent in Uttar Pradesh against a national average of 7.8 per cent.

In Mumbai, illicit arms trade is increasing at an alarming rate. In the nineteen seventies and early eighties, Mumbai gangsters primarily used knives and daggers. However, the scene completely changed with the entry of sophisticated weaponry, and currently the underworld is reported to be using the AK series of assault rifles, carbines, 9mm pistols, hand grenades and machine guns, among other weapons.

In 1992, the arrest of Lal Singh alias Manjit Singh, a Sikh terrorist, led to the recovery of arms and ammunition worth Rs. 2 crores in Ahmedabad, Gujarat, from the Abdul Latif gang.
Recovery of 10 AK-56 rifles, 51 magazines, 110 hand grenades and 3,300 cartridges from Mohammed Shariff and Naseemuddin of the Dawood Ibrahim gang on October 16, 1998.
One AK-56 rifle, a sten gun, a revolver, six magazines and 126 rounds of ammunition were recovered in April 1999 from Peter John D’Souza of the Chhota Rajan gang.
Two AK-56 rifles with 173 rounds, 9 revolvers with 171 rounds, and seven star pistols of 9 mm caliber along with 205 rounds of ammunition, were recovered on October 13, 1999 from Hanif Haji Ismail Sumania from a building in Bandra, Mumbai.
On December 30, I999, police arrested some agents of the Pakistani external intelligence agency, the Inter Services Intelligence (ISI), involved in the hijacking of Indian Airlines aircraft IC-814 from Kathmandu, Nepal, and recovered two AK-56 rifles, five hand grenades, four anti-tank TNT shells, a huge quantity of ammunition and Improvised Explosive Devices (IED).
The following recoveries made by Gujarat Police also indicate the hand of organised criminal groups in gun running activities:
Recovery of 24 AK-56 assault rifles, Russian hand grenades and ammunition from village Jamia in the Ujjain district of the State of Madhya Pradesh in October 1995.
Recovery of two AK-56 rifles from Gajju Khan Pathan, a Municipal Corporator of Ahmedabad city in Gujarat.
Recovery of 115 automatic pistols, 750 cartridges, 13 magazines, four kilograms of RDX, 10 detonators, 48 long electric wires at Mehsana, Gujarat, on December 23, 1996, from Ajmer in the State of Rajasthan.
Border Security Force (BSF) seized four AK-56 rifles, seven bolt action rifles and 22 Chinese-made pistols in Kutch, Gujarat on January 17, 1997.35
The first two recoveries were made from the associates of Dawood Ibrahim. The third and fourth recoveries showed that weapons were being pushed into India from Pakistan across the land border in Kutch (Gujarat) and Rajasthan. The sea route was used in the year 1993 to bring in shiploads of explosives and firearms and the landings were organised along the western coast of Gujarat and Maharashtra. There are indications that small arms are also being brought in by the air route, although no significant recovery has been made as yet.

One of the major thrust areas of the Mumbai Police in recent times has been the recovery of firearms that are being increasingly used in gangland killings. Country-made weapons as well as foreign-made weapons are being smuggled into the city by criminal elements. Country-made weapons originate primarily from the States of Uttar Pradesh and Bihar, where the illicit arms business is run almost like a cottage industry. In the last three years, Mumbai Police have recovered large quantity of firearms originating from various States.

Mumbai has also been used as a transit point for drug trafficking. The break-up of Soviet Russia has opened new routes for Mumbai. At present, Mandrax tablets, manufactured in mofussil Maharashtra, find their way through Mumbai to South Africa, Mauritius and other countries.36 The ISI of Pakistan and other terrorist groups channel drug money into the illicit arms trade. In India, Dawood Ibrahim largely controls drug trafficking.37

Hawala / Money Laundering Business

Hawala or money laundering refers to the conversion of illegal and ill-gotten money into legal money so that it can be integrated into the legitimate economy. Proceeds of drug-related crimes are an important source of money laundering the world over. Money laundering indicates a serious threat not only to the criminal justice system but also to the country’s sovereignty. The tainted illegal money is being accumulated and integrated into the economy by organised racketeers, smugglers, economic offenders and anti-social elements and it adversely affects the internal security of the country.

Investigations into hawala-related crimes are conducted under the Foreign Exchange Regulation Act (FERA). Even though the word hawala has not been defined in FERA, the essence of the Act is that any person who retains foreign exchange abroad or sends foreign exchange abroad without the Reserve Bank of India’s permission is guilty of violating FERA provisions. Hawala operations received a boost with the economic liberalisation policy introduced during 1991-92. According to the crime branch of the Mumbai Police, hawala transactions went up to $ 112 million during 1993-94. The Directorate of Revenue Intelligence (DRI) investigated a couple of commercial fraud cases involving repatriation of millions of rupees. Money was received in India through banks on account of exports which had, in fact, not taken place and the custom documents submitted to the banks and Directorate General of Foreign Trade (DGFT) were found to be forged. However, cash, according to Crime Branch reports, has become India’s top export after economic reforms.

In the context of Mumbai, hawala operations played a significant role in the 1993 Mumbai serial bomb blast case and were primarily routed through Tiger Memon, Moolchand Shah alias Choksi, Mohammed Dosa and others.38

Circulation of Fake Currency Notes

In recent years, the arrival of fake currency notes by land as well as air routes appears to have increased. The man who handles these operations in Dubai is Aftab Bakti, who works in tandem with Habib Khan and Iqbal Mujahid, an ISI agent from Pakistan.39 They use Indian expatriates in Dubai as carriers who are paid Rs. 7000 in cash and air ticket as compensation for carrying the contraband. They are given parcels containing fake currency notes wrapped in aluminium foil and concealed in toy boxes or flower vases. On arrival at the airport, they are allowed to pass through the Green Channel by obliging customs officials. A contact man meets the carrier outside the terminal building by a pre-arranged signal and the parcel is handed over to him. In a July 2000 detection, Mumbai Police recovered approximately Rs. 150 million in fake currency notes, mostly in Rs. 500 denomination and partly in Rs. 100 denomination, and arrested 20 persons.40 The contact person in Mumbai was Ismail Murani Sayyed alias Kassam. Akhtar Moharram Hussain Farooqui was looking after the distribution network. Similar recoveries were made in the States of Rajasthan, Andhra Pradesh, Gujarat, Karnataka, and Delhi by the DRI and Customs. There is sufficient ground to believe that fake currency notes are being printed in the Pakistani Security Press. Furthermore, Dawood Ibrahim has been reportedly working in tandem with the ISI to undermine the Indian economy.

Extortion (Hafta)

One of the most threatening activities by Mafia gangs in India is extortion (hafta). Extortion was almost non-existent in Mumbai city till the end of the nineteen eighties. Today, it is a major concern for the city’s Police. Mafia gangs have started terrorising people from all walks of life for extortion. Almost all the prominent gangs of Dawood Ibrahim, Chhota Rajan, Shakeel, Abu Salem, etc, are involved in the extortion racket in Mumbai. All big business personalities are their targets. In the case of well-known and rich personalities, if money is not paid, an example is made of a couple of ‘targets’ who are killed in order to terrorise and secure the compliance of others. Chhota Shakeel, Fahim, Salim, Chiplun and Rashid Malbari operate the biggest extortion racket on behalf of Dawood Ibrahim through the Dubai-Karachi-Mumbai network.

This practice predominantly exists in all big cities like Delhi, Kolkata and Mumbai. It is generally operated by local gangsters or goondas, popularly referred to as bhai, under the umbrella of big names like Dawood Ibrahim, Chhota Rajan, Chhota Shakeel, Babloo Srivastava etc. Hafta is usually collected as ‘protection’ money from middle-range and small businessmen.

Contract Killing

The offence of murder is punishable under section 302 of the Indian Penal Code by life imprisonment or a sentence of death, but this has little deterrent value, as the chance of detection in contract killings is quite low. The method adopted in contract killings is to engage a professional gang for a monetary consideration. Part of the prefixed amount, paid in advance, is called supari. The rest of the payment is made after the commission of the crime. The Mumbai gangs specialise in contract killings. The amount they charge is quite large and varies with the socio-economic status of the targets. The Dawood Ibrahim gang has been responsible for the killing of several rich businessmen, industrialists and politicians. Gulshan Kumar, the Mumbai music magnate, was one of the high profile victims of this scourge.41

With special focus on Mumbai city, there are a few other areas of business that organised criminals/mafia have entered, including the construction, film, hotel and cable industries.

Construction Industry

Land is the most precious commodity in Mumbai and has naturally attracted the attention of the underworld. Builders have used them as musclemen and in many instances they have themselves been rendered victims of their greed. Many gangsters transformed themselves into builders as the construction industry allowed enough scope for ploughing black money. The following prominent builders have been killed in the past:

The Dawood gang killed Om Praksh Kukreja on September 18, 1995, as he was perceived to be close to the Chhota Rajan gang.42
Vallabhbhai Thakkar was shot dead by the Arun Gawli gang on April 17, 1997, because he was close to the Dawood Ibrahim gang.43
Abu Salem gang killed Praveen Jain on March 7, 1995.44
Shantilal Patel was shot dead by the Arun Gawli gang on 1991.45
The Arun Gawli gang killed Natwarlal Desai on August 18, 1997, over certain financial transactions.46
Majid Khan, another important figure in the construction industry, was killed by the Chhota Rajan gang on March 1, 1999.47

Film Industry

The Film industry in Mumbai provides direct employment to approximately 500,000 people and indirect employment to nearly another one million. It has an annual turnover of approximately Rs. 12.50 billion.48 A significant proportion of its transactions takes place in black money. The underworld has developed a strong business interest in all the departments of the film industry. Many film artists and other film personalities are known to keep direct contacts with the underworld. This has led to coercion, threats and even physical assault in which many have died.

Hotel Industry

Having made their entry into business activities mentioned above, underworld gangs and organised crime syndicates have also made a foray into the hotel industry, the annual turn over of which is Rs. 7.2 billion.

Cable Industry

Criminal gangs are vying with each other to establish control over the cable industry. In addition to extorting money from cable operators, they also force cable companies to appoint their cronies as sub-area operators. Gangs have obstructed the use of latest scientific technology like fiber optics in the cable industry. In Mumbai, the Arun Gawli gang killed executive Ram Jethanand Panjabi on September 11, 1998. On April 14, 1999 cable operator Vijay Dattaram Lad was killed, again by the Arun Gawli gang as he reportedly refused to meet their extortion demand. Chhota Rajan’s brother Deepak reportedly runs a company called Cable Cop in Mumbai, which offers film producers protection from cable TV operators who telecast their new movies without authorisation.49 Deepak, according to police sources charges producers between Rs 25 and 50 lakh. According to senior police sources, initially, the producers associate themselves with the mafia to gain a foothold in the industry.50 However, after they make their mark, the mafia gangs demand their share.

Characteristics of Mumbai Gangs51

Based on field data, a few observations regarding the characteristics of gangs in Mumbai are delineated.

Age

Approximately 25 per cent of the gangsters belong to the age group between 19-25 years and another 30 per cent belong to the age group between 25-35 years. Approximately 5 per cent constitute the age group between 41-60 years.

Qualifications

It is found that most of the young gangsters do not attain education up to 10th standard level (approximately 80 per cent) while approximately 16 per cent reach the Higher Secondary Stage (HSC). Only about 4 per cent had reached graduation level or post graduation degrees.

Ethnic Background

Traditionally, a large proportion of migrants to Mumbai have originated from the two northern States of Uttar Pradesh and Bihar, as also from within a few regions of Maharashtra itself. Interviews with police officials and youth reveal that migrants primarily emerge from the four eastern districts of Uttar Pradesh and parts of Bihar. Some of them also originate from the Nagpur and Aurangabad regions of Maharashtra.

Predominantly, as perceived by the police officials – who are mostly of Hindu origin – the main recruits to the Mumbai underworld belong to the Muslim community. A few hard-core organised gangs, patronised by the gang leaders with Muslim origin, facilitate this. This attribution of a Muslim identity is not devoid of the usual bias carried by the Hindu majority who consider the Muslims as non-conformists and violent in behaviour.

Living Conditions and Environment

A majority of the youth drawn into the gangs is from the dense slum locations where the residents are always looking out for better opportunities. These youth come in contact with the slumlords or gang leaders and are attracted to the money, power and the glamour enjoyed by their local gang leaders. They are aware of the narratives of making ‘easy money’ through unlawful activities and fall prey to the world of crime. The media also plays an important role in raising their aspirations and trying their luck in the ‘city of gold and silver.’

These youth are exposed to the stark reality of slums, which is full of misery and deprivation. To escape such darkness they rush to an illusory light, which is momentary and also life threatening. The family background also influences the entry into crime world according to some respondents. Domestic quarrels, alcohol consumption by father/brother, gambling dens, pleasure seeking peer groups and sexual abuses are experiences that impel the youth to anomie. Crammed living conditions and over population are also factors conducive to pathological development.

Religion

The gangs are not based in terms of region or religion of their recruits but subsequent to the 1993 serial bomb blasts, the Hindu gangsters have substantially disassociated themselves from the Dawood Ibrahim gang.

III. Strategies to Combat Organised Crime

Maharashtra Control of Organised Crime Act (MCOCA), 1999

With the object of combating organised crime in the city, the Maharashtra government enacted the Maharashtra Control of Organised Crime Act (MCOCA) in the year 1999. Under MCOCA:

1. Whoever commits an offence of organised crime shall,

if such offence has resulted in the death of any person, be punishable with death or imprisonment for life and shall also be liable to a fine; subject to a minimum fine of rupees one hundred thousand;
in any other case, be punishable with imprisonment for a term which shall not be less than five years but which may extend to imprisonment for life and shall also be liable to a fine, subject to a minimum of rupees five hundred thousand.
2. Whoever conspires or attempts to commit or advocates, abets or knowingly facilitates the commission of an organised crime or any act preparatory to organised crime, shall be punishable with imprisonment for a term which shall be not less than five years but which may extend to imprisonment for life, and shall also be liable to a fine, subject to a minimum of rupees five hundred thousand.

3. Whoever harbours or conceals or attempts to harbour or conceal any member of an organised crime syndicate shall be punishable with imprisonment for a term which shall not be less than five years but which may extend to imprisonment for life and shall also be liable to a fine, subject to a minimum of rupees five hundred thousand.

4. Any person who is a member of an organised crime syndicate shall be punishable with imprisonment for a term which shall not be less than five years but which may extend to imprisonment for life and shall also be liable to a fine, subject to a minimum of rupees five hundred thousand.

5. Whoever holds any property derived or obtained from commission of an organised crime or which has been acquired through organised crime syndicate funds shall be punishable with a term which shall not be less than three years but which may extend to imprisonment for life and shall also be liable to fine, subject to a minimum of rupees two hundred thousand.

If any person on behalf of a member of an organised crime syndicate is, or, at any time has been, in possession of movable or immovable property which he cannot satisfactorily account for, he shall be punishable with imprisonment for a term which shall not be less than three years but which may extend to 10 years and shall also be liable to fine, subject to a minimum of rupees one hundred thousand and such property shall also be liable for attachment and forfeiture, as provided by Section 20.

The opinion of about 120 police officials and 20 public prosecutors was sought to determine whether MCOCA was proving a significant deterrent to organised crime in Mumbai. Responses suggested that it was difficult to secure bail in MCOCA cases and that this gave the Act some ‘punch’. In other criminal cases, a policy had been laid down by Justice Krishna lyer in 1977 that ‘made bail and not jail’ the credo of the judiciary, which had helped offenders to secure easy release. Many organised criminals, thus, escaped from the clutches of law and entered into a pattern of hardcore recidivism.

For example, Dawood Ibrahim, along with seven others, had robbed a businessman on February 4, 1974. All the accused were arrested in this case but later released on bail. They were convicted on July 3, 1977, and sentenced by the Sessions Court for a period of 7 years rigorous imprisonment. However, by that time, they had left India and Dawood had established his underworld network. Thus, organised criminals take full advantage of such ‘judicial liberalism’ and a soft bail policy, much to the disadvantage of the people and law enforcers. Under MCOCA, ‘not bail but jail’ becomes the controlling principle.

Furthermore, to deal with MCOCA cases, the following important judicial provisions have also been made:

Jurisdiction of Special Courts

Every offence under MCOCA is to be tried only by a Special Court within whose local jurisdiction it was committed or as the case may be by the Special Court constituted for trying offences under Subsection (1) of Section 5.

i. In MCOCA cases, access is given to Police that instead of 90 days of cases concerned, officer can file charge sheet within 180 days.

ii. After producing the accused in the court within 24 hours, in MCOCA cases, an arrested person can be kept under police custody for 30 days instead of the 15 days in ordinary criminal cases.

Protection of Witness

Notwithstanding anything contained in the Code, the proceedings under this Act may be held in camera if the Special Court so desires.
A Special Court may, on an application made by a witness in any proceeding before it or by the Public Prosecutor in relation to such witness or on its own motion, take such measures as it deems fit for keeping the identity and address of any witness secret.
In particular, and without prejudice to the generality of the provisions of sub-section (2), the measures which a Special Court may take under that sub-section may include:
the holding of the proceedings at a place to be decided by the Special Court;
the avoiding of the mention of the names and addresses of the witnesses in its orders or judgements or in any records of the case accessible to public;
the issuing of any directions for securing that the identity and addresses the witnesses are not disclosed;
that, it is in the public interest to order that all or any of the proceeding pending before such a Court shall not be published in any manner.
Any person who contravenes any direction issued under subsection (3) shall be punishable with imprisonment for a term, which may extend to one year and with fine that may extend to one thousand rupees.

For the protection of witness, it is laid down that, if not willing, the witness need not be produced in Court. Thus, under such a judicial dispensation, there is no fear of victimisation.
Especially in MCOCA cases, it is said that a Police Officer not below the rank of Superintendent of Police should be supervising the case (i.e. Deputy Commissioner or higher rank officials).
Only in MCOCA cases, if the arrested gang member wants to confess, his/her voice can be recorded by some Deputy Commissioner of Police or an Officer of higher rank, and such confession is admissible by Court. But, the Deputy Commissioner of Police or higher rank officer who would record the confession should not be investigating or supervising the case.
On the basis of opinion given by 120 Police Officials including Commissioner of Police, Joint Commissioner (Crime), Deputy Commissioner (Crime) Zonal Deputy Commissioner of Police, CBI Officers, etc., and 10 Public Prosecutors, 10 Defence lawyers and two Judges dealing with MCOCA cases, this paper puts forth the following propositions for combating organised crime.

Any effective strategy to deal with organised crime has to deal with each one of these features adequately. For this purpose, police and other law enforcement agencies need to be strengthened.

There should be utilisation of specially selected teams with specially trained young officers known for their integrity and such officers should be given a relatively long tenure.
There should be a multi-disciplinary approach with the team comprising of officials from Police, Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI), DRI, Enforcement Directorate (ED), Income Tax, Intelligence Bureau (IB), Customs, etc.
There should be specialists in banking, accountancy and financial analysis, computer operations etc for building up a data bank on organised crime and updating the same.
There should be adequate levels of intelligence sharing with various agencies at State and Central levels.
In all these areas, while a few police forces, like the Mumbai Police, have acquired some expertise, there is still a great deal to be done to control the growing menace of organised crime in other parts of India.

It is clear that the Indian Police and in fact the Indian criminal justice system are not adequately geared to deal with the growing menace of the organised crime. Primarily, the police lack (a) adequate legal instruments, (b) specialised training, (c) responsive organisational structures, (d) technical resources, (e) effective co-ordination mechanisms with other agencies, and (f) adequate intelligence to deal with organised crime. There is also no sense of urgency on the part of the government in remedying these deficiencies.

A new law to control organised crime has been talked about at the national level for the last four years, but Maharashtra is perhaps the only State which has passed such a separate legislation, and the outcome of implementation is still to be assessed.

The first point to be noticed about organised crime is that the actual perpetrator of crime is a mercenary or a foot soldier, and the brain behind the organised crime is somewhere else, even far away from the country and out of the clutches of law. The ‘soldiers’ or actual perpetrators are, moreover, increasing in number. Under the existing legal framework and the work ethos of the Indian Police, the maximum that can be done is to arrest the foot soldiers. For instance, if arms are smuggled, efforts are directed towards arresting the person who is actually smuggling the arms. Once he is arrested, the focus of investigations and the prosecution is to chargesheet him and get him convicted as quickly as possible, rather than to unearth the entire conspiracy. Once the conviction takes place, the investigating officer is happy that he has successfully prosecuted the case. The top or even the second and third line leadership of the gangs remains untouched. The system and the laws do not encourage the investigating officers at the top to go deep into the matter, to unravel the entire conspiracy and to destroy the criminal organisation. Firstly, it requires a great deal of time to unravel all these aspects. Secondly, the exiting provisions relating to conspiracy under the Indian Penal Code (IPC) make it difficult to obtain the conviction of all concerned. Thirdly, even if the case is successfully prosecuted, it only accounts for disposal of one case while evaluating the work of the officer. Thus, even though the police claim to have solved a majority of the crimes committed by organised gangs, in effect they have not been able to administer a crippling blow to any gang.

Organised crime can only be destroyed when the financial power of the organisation is broken. This requires expertise in financial and accounting matters, understanding methods of money transfer, including hawala deals, acumen for financial analysis, etc. The police organisations in India are yet to build such expertise. Such expertise will never be fully available within the department, and there must also be a system of collaboration by which the requisite expert advice can be obtained from outside the enforcement set-up, and even internationally.

The required type of expertise can only be built when separate task forces to handle organised crime are created and officers are given sufficient tenures on the job. Every policeman cannot investigate organised crime. It is only special task forces working in close co-operation with the police stations, which can achieve results. The special task forces also require technical resources for surveillance, for monitoring telecommunications, information technology (IT) specialists, etc.

Given the modern techniques employed in the commission of organised crimes, task forces thus constituted must be duly assisted by IT specialists, financial analysts, banking, legal and other experts. While the police department may employ a few of such experts, it will be necessary to constitute panels of such experts whose services can be availed of by the police from time to time, depending on the requirement. Most importantly, there is a need to evolve an effective co-operative mechanism for timely sharing of information and for co-ordinating the work of different agencies investigating different aspects of various cases or organisations, so as to a achieve the common objective of building a strong case against a gang. Unfortunately, the efforts at co-operation made between various agencies, including the State Police and various Central organisations, have not been very successful.

The objective of an investigation into organised crime should be the prosecution of gang members at all levels of its hierarchy, and particularly, the top leadership.

In addition, the law has to deal with organised crime on a footing different from that of conventional crime, as regards (a) admissibility of evidence, (b) appreciation of the evidence, and (c) sentencing. The argument whether there should be a special law for controlling organised crime or whether additional provisions can be made in the existing laws is not really relevant. It is, however, evident that the existing legal framework for trial and sentencing is hardly appropriate and commensurate with the challenges posed by the problem. The reasons why this inappropriate legal framework persists may be partly rooted in a lack of critical awareness of social realities, but it is certainly also the case that quite a few among the dominant sections of society and the political leadership seem to have developed vested interests in the imperfections of the existing legal framework. Organised crime, more often than not, has political overtones. Any concerted effort to address and resolve the problem will consequently require the support of all major political parties.

At present, the responses to organised crime at all important stages of the criminal justice system – investigation, trial and sentencing, and the post-conviction detention stage – are inadequate and imperfect, both in terms of intensity and the nature of response. The substantive law, the procedural law and the limited resources provided to investigating and prosecuting agencies to tackle organised crime, and the ability of the elite to frustrate investigations, all hamper any practical possibility of seriously curbing organised crime.

There are various reasons as to why organised crime should be treated differently from traditional individual criminality. Firstly, the enormous power and influence wielded by such organisations; secondly, the much greater potential physical and economic harm caused to society by organised crime; and thirdly, the enormity and seriousness of the implications of organised crime for the political, social and legal systems that stand discredited by their presence.

Conspiracy is an integral aspect of organised crime. Therefore, the issue of whether the evidence of conspiracy is relevant under Section 10 of the Evidence Act assumes importance. However, the interpretation accorded to Section 10 of Evidence Act by which only that evidence which justifies furtherance of common intention is made relevant is not conducive to secure convictions in organised crime trials. The role and the value of approver evidence in organised crime trials has to be viewed in the light of this new form of criminality and its potential for harm. Two aspects are particularly significant: (i) the degree and quality of corroboration required needs to be varied in cases of organised crime; and (ii) the approver deserves to be protected from the fellow criminals. Measures also need to be taken to protect the next of kin and others who are exposed to risk because of their relationship with the approver. Though the joint liability or group liability principle is accepted under Indian law, our laws still fail to criminalise various categories of undesirable organisations or enterprises as such. All these lacunae are covered in the US by the Racketeer Influenced and Corrupt Organisations (RICO) Act. The burden of proving certain actions should be shifted upon the accused, by providing rebuttable presumptions, like if it were proved that the accused has kidnapped, the presumption would be that it is for ransom.

A defective legal system creates ample room for the accused (in a given case) to evade the intent of the law. As the case goes under judicial scrutiny, the role of the public prosecutor and defence lawyer comes into focus. It has been observed more often than not that there is a lack of proper liaison between the police and public prosecutors. Public prosecutors are usually paid by the government and are often not sufficiently competent to sustain an independent practice. To increase earnings, there is a need to take up additional number of cases, which at times goes beyond their capacity to handle. A Chief Public Prosecutor (PP) disclosed that usually three to four cases are dealt with by a PP on any given day. Since the government pays them, no personal liaison is established between the victim/client and PP, whereas, a defence lawyer has a personal equation with the client, as he/she is also concerned with his/her commercial profit and reputation. The PPs and judges dealing with MCOCA cases have no specialised background to deal with such trials. They are merely transferred from ordinary civil and criminal courts, and have no specialised exposure or training that equips them to deal with organised crime. This results in a failure to appreciate the unique character of these crimes, and the dangers they constitute to the structure of society and the security of the state.

The need that these types of cases have to be dealt expeditiously was accepted when Special Courts were set up for their trial. Unfortunately, even the Special Courts take a long time to dispose of such cases. The Mumbai Serial Blasts case illustrates the point. The blasts occurred on March 12, 1993 and police filed chargesheets on November 4, 1993 (i.e., in less than eight months) whereas the Special Court framed charges in May 1995. Among the 145 accused persons arrested, 98 were enlarged on bail. (A total number of 387 bail applications have been filed indicating that multiple applications have been filed by the same accused). A total of 4,399 miscellaneous applications were filed (till December 1999), the intention of defence at times being quite simply to obstruct and derail the trial process. The Court is required to decide on all these applications. More often than not, due to the large number of pending cases, courts are blamed for the chronic delay in trial. As on July 23, 2001, since 1999, 40 cases had been registered under MCOCA. Out of these, six cases resulted in conviction, while some cases were discharged. Eight cases were still pending investigation and 23 cases were pending trial. There is a case of a Special Court dealing with only one case and the trial is yet to be completed. This proves that the ‘villain’ is not the number of pendancies, but our legal procedures, which need radical simplification. (1) The process of framing charges should be made simple, like committal proceedings; Sections 227 and 228 of the Criminal Procedure Code (Cr.PC) may be suitably amended; (2) There should be only one appeal on facts and procedures; (3) Witnesses need not be called to appear in the witness box as a matter of routine. In many cases, their evidence could be taken as an affidavit and this would cut down delays. (4) Immunity is granted to the accused for securing his evidence against the co-accused under Sections 306 and 307 of the Cr. PC. Not many of the accused presently wish to become approvers, as they do not benefit significantly from such a choice. For example, in the existing law, if the approver is in jail, he would continue to be in jail till the termination of the trial. If the trials are fast, the approver would not mind. But, trials are protracted and take decades to be terminated. The result is that the accused (approver) is not willing to co-operate while he remains in jail for such a long period. To illustrate, in the Rajghat case52, the approver remained in jail for 10 years and the co-accused got punished only 12 years after conviction. The law needs to be amended to the effect that the approver will be released on bail after his testimony in the court is completed, subject to the condition that the investigating agency has no objection. This may perhaps encourage some accused to become approvers.

The Way Forward

If the need to deal with cases of organised crime differently and as a distinct category is accepted, an effective response would be to enact a separate Organised Crime Code rather than making patchwork amendments to the IPC. The existing laws of extradition have also been of little help. Certain fugitives like Anis Kaskar, Dawood Ibrahim, Tiger Memon, Chhota Rajan, etc, wanted for serious offences in India, have been living in various countries abroad and our law enforcers are totally helpless.

Merely enacting special laws is, however, not adequate. Police and other investigating agencies should not be lulled into inaction till a special law is enacted, or after such a law is in place, but should vigorously pursue investigation. We need to develop specialised infrastructure for investigation and prosecution of such crimes. Stricter control on possession of illegal firearms and explosives, and also provisions for enhanced punishment for those found in possession of ordnance type of bombs/hand grenades, explosives like RDX, etc, are needed. The criminal-intelligence system also needs to be immensely strengthened.

As one of the essential features of organised crime is its determined effort at subverting the police, administrative, political and judicial systems, those who collaborate with organised crime need to be severely dealt with under law. Such compromised elements need to be taken out of the system.

Role of Media and Community Awareness

Mass Media, both print and electronic, can play a significant role in leading an awareness programme against organised crime. As has been the trend in the present era, commercialisation has engulfed all spheres of life including the media. The glorification of crime through the media is the dominant trend, and this creates an illusion of a certain glamorous life style that does not exist in reality. The media can play an important role in portraying a real picture of the phenomenon and also attempt to build trust between the police and citizenry. Indeed, the media could play an effective role in creating awareness about the severity of organised criminal activity. A large number of people living in different areas of Mumbai city, such as Nagpada, Agripada, Kurla, Chembur, Bhendi Bazar, etc., have expressed their dissatisfaction with the present situation, stating that liaison between the police and public is a myth. Specifically, in the slum areas, people directly blame the police for indulging in extortion, reportedly not even sparing petty shopkeepers. At the other end, a large number of lower-rank police personnel state that people living in such areas support and encourage criminality and even provide shelter to many gangsters, creating a mystique around them as ‘bhai’, and harbouring hopes that they would themselves be leaders of the locality in future. If organised crime is to be curbed in the city, it is imperative that the citizenry be involved in its prevention, and that public opinion is built up against such crimes. In this complex process, the media can act as a catalyst, because it has the strength and influence to reach out to people and to create mass awareness.

ENDNOTES

*
This paper was presented at the All India Criminology Conference, organised by the National Institute of Criminology and Forensic Science, Ministry of Home Affairs, Government of India, New Delhi, November 1-3, 2001.
Sumita Sarkar is a Doctoral Candidate at the Tata Institute of Social Sciences, Mumbai.
Arvind Tiwari is Reader, Department of Criminology and Correctional Administration, Tata Institute of Social Sciences, Mumbai.
For details see, M.L. Sharma, The Organised Crime in India, Tokyo: United Nations Asia and Far East Institute (UNAFEI), 1999, vol. 54, p. 24; T A Pasha, Current Problem in the Combat of Transitional Organised Crime, Tokyo: UNAFEI, 1999, p. 147; J F Marine, The Threat Posed by Transnational Crime, Tokyo: UNAFEI, 1999, vol. 54, p. 25.

A Mafia-like criminal organisation in the region of Campania and the city of Naples in Italy. Of controversial origin, it first came to light in 1830. Its activities spread by intimidation, blackmail, and bribery until Naples was controlled by it. The Camorra appears to have been used by the Bourbon rulers of Naples as a quasi-police network to crush opposition. Efforts to break the power of the Camorra, begun in the 1880s, culminated in the 1911 murder trial at which numerous members were convicted. The Camorra was suppressed and supplanted after Benito Mussolini’s take-over in 1922. Source: The Columbia Encyclopaedia, Sixth Edition, 2001, http://www.bartleby.com/65/ca/Camorra.html

Headed by Estes Kefauver, Democratic Senator from Tennessee, USA, it was the first committee made up of Senators from around the country organised to not only gain a better understanding on how to fight organised crime, but also to expose organised crime for the conglomerate empire that it was. See http://www.murderinc.com/feds/kefauver.html.

Sharma, Organised Crime in India, p. 88.

Ibid.

Ibid.

Ibid.

Marine, The Threat Posed by Transnational Crime, p. 25.

Ibid.

Ibid.

Ibid.

M N Singh, “Organised Crime in India”, a paper presented at the Kumarappa lecture, Tata Institute for Social Sciences, Mumbai, March 2001.

See “The Maharashtra Control of Organised Crime Act, 1999″, http://www.pucl.org/reports/Topics/Law/2002/maharashtra-crime.htm .

It refers to serious crimes that either significantly affect more than one country or are carried across national borders and thus involve criminal activity in more than one country. It would be correct to say that all serious and sophisticated activities involve some degree of organised crime. Transnational crime is not only committed by organised groups but also by individual offenders.

For details of the spread and magnitude of transnational crime, see, M.L. Sharma, Organised Crime in India, Tokyo: United Nations Asia and Far East Institute (UNAFEI), 1999, vol. 54, p. 24; T A Pasha, Current Problem in the Combat of Transitional Organised Crime, Tokyo: UNAFEI, 1999, p. 147; J F Marine, The Threat Posed by Transnational Crime, Tokyo: UNAFEI, 1999, vol. 54, p. 25.

Thuggee, a cult of assassins who worshipped the Hindu goddess Kali, terrorised British India. The Thugs considered their many victims as sacrifices to Kali. Thugs used to waylay and strangulate unsuspecting travellers on the high roads of India in the British and pre-British period. Major General Sir William Sleeman played a key role in the final suppression of the Thugee cult. See James Sleeman, Thug, or A Million Murders, London: Sampson Low, Marston & Co., 1933.

For instance see, M.L. Sharma, Organised Crime in India, UNAEFI.

Crime Branch, Mumbai Police, June 2001.

M N Singh, “Organised Crime in India”, a paper presented at the Kumarappa lecture, Tata Institute for Social Sciences, Mumbai, March 2001.

Over 300 persons were killed in the serial bomb blasts in Mumbai on March 12, 1993. Source: Crime Branch, Mumbai Police, June 2001.

Source: Crime Branch, Mumbai Police, June 2001.

Ibid.

Ibid.

Source of information on various criminal gangs and networks is the Crime Branch, Mumbai Police.

See “Mumbai’s mafia wars”, Frontline,Chennai, vol. 16, no. 7, March 27-April, 1999.

Abu Salem, hailing from the Azamgarh district in Uttar Pradesh initially worked for Dawood Ibrahim’s brother Anees Ibrahim and transported guns across the city. Later, he become Anees’s trusted confidant, running his vast film industry-focussed extortion empire. He was put in charge of a key operation in the 1993 serial bombings of Mumbai, organised by the Dawood Ibrahim gang. Abu Salem’s job was to liase with two top Karachi-based smugglers, Mustafa Majnu and Mohammad Dosa, who would ferry the explosives used in the bombings. Two major consignments of plastic explosives and assault rifles were landed at Dighi and Shekhadi on the Raigad coast in Maharashtra, from where, hidden in cardboard boxes and sackcloth, they were moved to Mumbai by Abu Salem’s aides. After the Mumbai bombings, Abu Salem fled to Karachi with the remaining members of the Dawood’s organisation. See “The Underworld: The Great Escape”, Frontline, vol. 18, no. 23, November 10-23, 2001.

See “Mumbai’s mafia wars”, Frontline, vol. 16, no. 7, March 27-April 9, 1999.

V K Saraf, Formation of Criminal Gangs in Major Cities, Ph.D. Thesis submitted to the Bureau of Police Research and Development, New Delhi, 1999.

Sharma, Organised Crime in India, p. 82.

Countries that form the Golden Triangle are Thailand, Burma and Laos.

Countries that constitute the Golden Crescent are Pakistan, Iran and Afghanistan.

Sharma, Organised Crime in India, p. 82.

Ibid.

See “6 foreigners convicted in Purulia arms drop case”, http://www.rediff.com/news/2000/jan/31puru.htm.

Source: Crime Branch, Mumbai, June 2000.

Source: Crime Branch, Mumbai Police.

Ibid.

Crime Branch, Mumbai, June 2001.

Ibid.

Ibid.

On August 12, 1998, the Abu Salem group killed Gulshan Kumar, allegedly to help a rival music producer, Nadeem Akhtar Saifi. See “The Underworld: The Great Escape”, Frontline, vol. 18, no. 23, November 10-23, 2001.

See “Multi-crore projects bite dust as city builders run for cover:, The Indian Express, Mumbai, May 19, 1998.

Ibid.

Ibid.

See “Ruin Of A Don”, http://entertainment.sify.com/content/weekendstory.asp?news_code_num=245&lang_code=politics.

See “Multi-crore projects bite dust as city builders run for cover:, The Indian Express, Mumbai, May 19, 1998.

Majid Khan, along with his Dubai-based brother Yakub Khan, was accused of having harboured in a Mumbai factory a quantity of Research Department Explosive (RDX) for the gang of the Dubai-based underworld leader Dawood Ibrahim Kaskar. See “Mumbai’s mafia wars”, Frontline, Chennai, vol. 16, no. 7, March 27-April 9, 1999.

Ibid.

See ” Shadow of Fear”, The Week, Kochi, March 5, 2000.

Ibid.

Based on the field work done by the author on “Youth Anomie” exploring the role of youth in organised crimes in Mumbai city. Data includes approximately 90 per cent of observations of highly crime-affected areas in Mumbai, interviews taken of youth in the organised crime syndicates and expert police officials dealing with the problem of organised crime in Mumbai.

An attempt on the life of ex-Premier Rajiv Gandhi was made on October 2, 1986, at Rajghat where he had gone to pay homage to Mahatma Gandhi. Concealed behind the overgrowth on a canopy, a Sikh youth, Karamjit Singh, repeatedly fired at him from a country made gun. See “Attempts made on the life of Shri Rajiv Gandhi”, http://www.india-today.com/jain/vol3/chap2.html. Karamjit Singh, a resident of Sangrur district of Punjab, under went a jail term of 13 years and seven months under Section 307 (attempt to murder) of the Indian Penal Code (IPC) and TADA as ordered by a designated Delhi Court. See “Rajiv Gandhi case convict released”, http://www.tribuneindia.com/2000/20000504/punjab.htm#7.


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